P-au-P, 5 août 2015 [AlterPresse] --- Des organisations de la société civile haïtienne ainsi que des commerçantes et jeunes travailleurs sur la frontière haïtiano-dominicaine ont manifesté leur satisfaction par rapport au sit-in organisé le 4 août à Malpasse pour dénoncer le racisme des Dominicains, selon les témoignages rassemblées par l’agence en ligne AlterPresse.
« Nous sommes satisfaits. Il n’y a pas eu de dérapage lors de ce sit-in qui a permis de véhiculer nos différentes revendications », souligne Jean Robert Argant, coordonnateur du Collectif 4 décembre à AlterPresse.
Ce sit-in a rassemblé des dizaines de personnes à l’initiative du Collectif 4 décembre et plusieurs autres organisations de la société civile haïtienne dont le Groupe d’appui aux rapatriés et réfugiés (Garr).
Argant dénonce l’arrêt 168-13 du tribunal dominicain qui a dénationalisé des milliers de personnes en République dominicaine, pour la plupart d’origine haïtienne.
Suite à cette sentence dominicaine, une menace d’apatridie et une crise humanitaire planent sur la tête des personnes dénationalisées, condamne-t-il.
En outre, Argant souligne le besoin urgent de s’orienter vers une production nationale en vue de retirer Haïti de l’« inféodation alimentaire » actuelle.
« Nous demandons aux autorités dominicaines de respecter les ressortissants haïtiens en République dominicaine. Nous demandons l’annulation de l’arrêt raciste 168-13 », ont été parmi des slogans scandés durant le sit-in déroulé tout près du portail frontalier avec la République dominicaine.
Munis de pancartes véhiculant des messages hostiles aux autorités dominicaines, les protestataires ont critiqué la mauvaise qualité de la farine dominicaine importée vers Haïti et appelé les autorités haïtiennes à valoriser la production nationale pour sortir de la dépendance alimentaire.
La sécurité du sit-in a été assurée par des agents du Corps d’intervention et de maintien de l’ordre (Cimo) de la Police nationale d’Haïti (Pnh).
Au cours du déroulement du sit-in, d’autres personnes dont des marchandes et des jeunes installés sur la frontière sont venus grossir le mouvement au niveau du portail frontalier.
« Nous avons besoin de papiers pour être légaux et pour bien vivre. Nous ne voulons pas de racisme », a scandé la foule surchauffée.
Des commerçantes et commerçants transportant des marchandises en provenance du territoire haïtien ont été, par moments, interdits de passage alors qu’aucun blocage n’a été visiblement opposé à ceux et celles venant de la république voisine.
Plusieurs commerçantes et commerçants haïtiens interrogés par AlterPresse ont dénoncé l’interdiction qui leur est souvent faite de transporter leurs marchandises en territoire dominicain tandis que celles des Dominicains sont libres de circulation sur le territoire haïtien.
Ils se disent solidaires du sit-in et appellent à la poursuite de ce genre d’initiatives pour porter les Dominicains à se rétracter.
« Nous sommes venus réclamer du respect pour les Haïtiens et l’annulation de l’arrêt raciste, xénophobe et funeste du tribunal dominicain, qui constitue une violation des droits humains », fustige Argant lors de ce sit-in, qui a également bénéficié du support de plusieurs Dominicains touchés par la sentence.
« On n’a pas le droit de nous humilier et de voler nos biens », s’insurge une Dominicaine d’ascendance haïtienne venue soutenir le mouvement organisé dans un contexte de crise migratoire entre les deux pays partageant l’île d’Haïti.
À partir du 17 juin, des migrants et migrantes haïtiens en situation irrégulière qui ne se sont pas inscrits au Plan national de régularisation des étrangers (Pnre) ont commencé, de manière intensive, à être rapatriés en dépit d’un moratoire de 45 jours, officiellement annoncé par les autorités dominicaines.
Le Garr, un des initiateurs du mouvement, dit craindre une intensification des retours volontaires et forcés à partir du 2 août, date marquant la fin du Pnre, d’autant que des nationalistes dominicains ont manifesté le 1er août à Santo Domingo appelant à l’expulsion des illégaux haïtiens. [emb kft gp 05/08/2015 13 : 15]
http://www.alterpresse.org/spip.php?article18613#.VcM7M_ntlBc
Une fenêtre ouverte sur Haïti, le pays qui défie le monde et ses valeurs, anti-nation qui fait de la résistance et pousse les limites de la résilience. Nous incitons au débat conceptualisant Haïti dans une conjoncture mondiale difficile. Haïti, le défi, existe encore malgré tout : choléra, leaders incapables et malhonnêtes, territoires perdus gangstérisés . Pour bien agir il faut mieux comprendre: "Que tout ce qui s'écrit poursuive son chemin, va , va là ou le vent te pousse (Dr Jolivert)
jeudi 6 août 2015
Un fonds d’investissement pour créer de l’emploi en Haïti
Un comité d’une quinzaine d’Haïtiens de Montréal projette de créer un fonds d’investissement de la diaspora haïtienne ayant pour objectif de créer de l’emploi dans leur pays d’origine.
Asma Heurtelou, porte-parole du comité, a discuté de cette initiative avec Métro dans le cadre de la marche de solidarité avec les Haïtiens du monde entier qui a eu lieu dimanche après-midi à Montréal. Cette marche dénonçait principalement l’expulsion de milliers d’Haïtiens de République dominicaine, de même que la levée du moratoire canadien sur les renvois en Haïti.
«Pourquoi les Haïtiens s’exilent-ils? Parce qu’il n’y a pas d’emploi en Haïti. Les Haïtiens qui veulent rentrer chez eux doivent pouvoir le faire et éviter l’humiliation dans d’autres pays», a dit Mme Heurtelou.
Son comité, constitué d’une quinzaine de Montréalais d’origine haïtienne, estime que la diaspora a le pouvoir de changer les choses. «Les Haïtiens d’origine font tout pour leur famille. À travers le monde, on envoie plus de 2 G$ par année en Haïti, mais c’est de l’argent qui y va en pure perte parce qu’Haïti est devenu seulement un pays de consommateurs. On ne produit plus rien. Il faut donc investir dans un projet collectif», a affirmé Jean Ernest Pierre, membre du comité, présent à la marche.
M. Pierre et ses collègues s’affairent donc à mettre en place un Fonds de solidarité haïtienne auquel tous pourront contribuer, qui servira d’abord à un projet de production agricole. Ce dernier n’en est toutefois qu’à un stade embryonnaire. «On veut ficeler le projet et rencontrer les autorités en Haïti. Le fonds sera lancé lorsque tous les détails seront réglés et qu’on sera prêt à investir», a expliqué Mme Heurtelou.
«C’est une idée fantastique. Ça permettrait de ne pas aider seulement une petite communauté, mais d’aider tout le monde. On sait que, lorsqu’un emploi est créé, plusieurs autres emplois peuvent en découler», a commenté Mélissa Gresseau, présente à la marche de solidarité, qui serait intéressée à contribuer au fonds pourvu qu’il soit bien géré.
Appel à l’action politique
De nombreux membres de la communauté haïtienne de Montréal, dont ceux présents à la marche de dimanche, ont appelé les partis politiques participant aux élections fédérales à prendre position par rapport à la situation des Haïtiens en République dominicaine et au Canada. «Malgré nos appels, le Canada n’a toujours pas dénoncé le gouvernement dominicain, a affirmé Marjorie Villefranche, directrice générale de la Maison d’Haïti. Par rapport aux Haïtiens du Canada, nous demandons d’activer le processus de régularisation et de les maintenir ici.»
Alexandre Boulerice, député sortant du Nouveau parti démocratique, était présent à la marche. «Ce qu’on demande, c’est une prolongation du moratoire sur les expulsions des Haïtiens, mais également plus d’action en ce qui concerne la situation des Haïtiens en République dominicaine», a-t-il déclaré.
http://journalmetro.com/actualites/montreal/818474/un-fonds-dinvestissement-pour-creer-de-lemploi-en-haiti/
Asma Heurtelou, porte-parole du comité, a discuté de cette initiative avec Métro dans le cadre de la marche de solidarité avec les Haïtiens du monde entier qui a eu lieu dimanche après-midi à Montréal. Cette marche dénonçait principalement l’expulsion de milliers d’Haïtiens de République dominicaine, de même que la levée du moratoire canadien sur les renvois en Haïti.
«Pourquoi les Haïtiens s’exilent-ils? Parce qu’il n’y a pas d’emploi en Haïti. Les Haïtiens qui veulent rentrer chez eux doivent pouvoir le faire et éviter l’humiliation dans d’autres pays», a dit Mme Heurtelou.
Son comité, constitué d’une quinzaine de Montréalais d’origine haïtienne, estime que la diaspora a le pouvoir de changer les choses. «Les Haïtiens d’origine font tout pour leur famille. À travers le monde, on envoie plus de 2 G$ par année en Haïti, mais c’est de l’argent qui y va en pure perte parce qu’Haïti est devenu seulement un pays de consommateurs. On ne produit plus rien. Il faut donc investir dans un projet collectif», a affirmé Jean Ernest Pierre, membre du comité, présent à la marche.
M. Pierre et ses collègues s’affairent donc à mettre en place un Fonds de solidarité haïtienne auquel tous pourront contribuer, qui servira d’abord à un projet de production agricole. Ce dernier n’en est toutefois qu’à un stade embryonnaire. «On veut ficeler le projet et rencontrer les autorités en Haïti. Le fonds sera lancé lorsque tous les détails seront réglés et qu’on sera prêt à investir», a expliqué Mme Heurtelou.
«C’est une idée fantastique. Ça permettrait de ne pas aider seulement une petite communauté, mais d’aider tout le monde. On sait que, lorsqu’un emploi est créé, plusieurs autres emplois peuvent en découler», a commenté Mélissa Gresseau, présente à la marche de solidarité, qui serait intéressée à contribuer au fonds pourvu qu’il soit bien géré.
Appel à l’action politique
De nombreux membres de la communauté haïtienne de Montréal, dont ceux présents à la marche de dimanche, ont appelé les partis politiques participant aux élections fédérales à prendre position par rapport à la situation des Haïtiens en République dominicaine et au Canada. «Malgré nos appels, le Canada n’a toujours pas dénoncé le gouvernement dominicain, a affirmé Marjorie Villefranche, directrice générale de la Maison d’Haïti. Par rapport aux Haïtiens du Canada, nous demandons d’activer le processus de régularisation et de les maintenir ici.»
Alexandre Boulerice, député sortant du Nouveau parti démocratique, était présent à la marche. «Ce qu’on demande, c’est une prolongation du moratoire sur les expulsions des Haïtiens, mais également plus d’action en ce qui concerne la situation des Haïtiens en République dominicaine», a-t-il déclaré.
http://journalmetro.com/actualites/montreal/818474/un-fonds-dinvestissement-pour-creer-de-lemploi-en-haiti/
El Nuevo Herald plantea República Dominicana permita regreso de descendientes de haitianos
Miami, Florida.-El periódico El Nuevo Herald, cuya sede se encuentra en esta ciudad, planteo una posible “solución” a la crisis migratoria entre Haití y la República Dominicana, indicando a través de un editorial que el gobierno debe aclarar que no habrá expulsiones masivas y que los nacidos en su territorio podrán regresar a vivir sus vidas en paz, en el único país que ha sido su hogar, la República Dominicana.
Según los planteamientos del prestigioso matutino, “esta podría ser la solución a la crisis que se ha producido entre Haití y la República Dominicana”, obviando sin embargo, las disposiciones del Plan Nacional de Regularización de Extranjeros que como nación soberana ejecuta el gobierno del presidente Danilo Medina y luego de la sentencia del Tribunal Constitucional en la nación.Indica que ante a un escándalo internacional, “la República Dominicana no ha llevado a cabo sus amenazas de expulsar a varios cientos de miles de trabajadores haitianos del país, pero la amenaza aún no cesa y la crisis está lejos de acabarse”.
De igual modo hace alusión a la mediación de la Organización de los Estados Americanos, OEA. La entidad fue invitada al país por el propio gobierno de la República Dominicana.
En este sentido indica que “la semana pasada la Organización de Estados Americanos publicó un reporte elaborado con un lenguaje conciliatorio donde se refiere al caos que se vive a lo largo de las 230 millas de frontera que comparten los dos países en la isla de La Española como “las presentes dificultades” – el clásico lingo diplomático para la catástrofe que ha caído sobre cientos de miles de nacionales haitianos que viven en suelo dominicano.
Atribuye los problemas entre las dos naciones a que “en el 2013 una corte dominicana sumariamente retiró la ciudadanía a los haitianos nacidos en la República Dominicana; haciendo la acción retroactiva, hasta 1929.”
Editorial de El Nuevo Herald
“Enfrentados a un escándalo internacional, la República Dominicana no ha llevado a cabo sus amenazas de expulsar a varios cientos de miles de trabajadores haitianos del país, pero la amenaza aún no cesa y la crisis está lejos de acabarse.
La semana pasada la Organización de Estados Americanos publicó un reporte elaborado con un lenguaje conciliatorio donde se refiere al caos que se vive a lo largo de las 230 millas de frontera que comparten los dos países en la isla de La Española como “las presentes dificultades” – el clásico lingo diplomático para la catástrofe que ha caído sobre cientos de miles de nacionales haitianos que viven en suelo dominicano.
Sus problemas comenzaron en el 2013 cuando una corte dominicana sumariamente retiró la ciudadanía a los haitianos nacidos en la República Dominicana; haciendo la acción retroactiva hasta 1929
Sus problemas comenzaron en el 2013 cuando una corte dominicana sumariamente retiró la ciudadanía a los haitianos nacidos en la República Dominicana; haciendo la acción retroactiva hasta 1929. Esto convirtió a unos 450,000 haitianos – nadie sabe exactamente cuántos son – en desterrados y ha comenzado una estampida hacia la frontera por parte de muchos que temen ser deportados por la fuerza.
La OEA sugiere que los dos países se comprometan a sostener un “diálogo” que pueda producir una solución que funcione. Ofreció mediar en la disputa y sugirió un tipo de proceso que ayude a los desplazados “que permita el transporte de personas entre los dos países”.
Aunque el comunicado de la OEA evitó señalar a ninguna de las partes, el gobierno dominicano lo rechazó. En su respuesta a la OEA, el gobierno declaró que “No existe al momento un conflicto entre las dos naciones como para necesitar dicha mediación” — una absurda negación de la realidad — y además expresó que el diálogo “puede ser restaurado tan pronto como el gobierno haitiano cese con su actitud de desacreditar a la República Dominicana, como una manera de evadir su responsabilidad con el pueblo de Haití”.
Aunque pareciera que el gobierno se ha echado para atrás (por ahora) en cuanto a las deportaciones masivas, las vidas de los descendientes de haitianos que viven en suelo dominicano han sido volteadas.
La primera respuesta del gobierno ante la indignación internacional fue la de permitir que los niños de ascendencia haitiana nacidos en República Dominicana solicitaran la ciudadanía, y entonces darle la oportunidad a otros nacionales haitianos de inscribirse en un programa de legalización. Pero el proceso burocrático que ha generado está plagado de errores, retrasos y confusión. Muchos simplemente no pudieron obtener los documentos requeridos o simplemente se perdieron en el ir y venir.
La amenaza de deportaciones masivas ha bajado, quizás gracias a una diplomacia de bajo perfil por parte de Estados Unidos y otros países de la región. Pero incontables miles de nacionales haitianos aún están en el limbo y con el comienzo de clases aproximándose, muchos niños no saben si serán admitidos en las escuelas públicas.”
Fuente: Acento.com.do.
por: Rose Mary Santana
http://elveedordigital.com/primer-plano/item/16371-el-nuevo-herald-plantea-republica-dominicana-permita-regreso-de-descendientes-de-haitianos
El drama de los miles de haitianos forzados a abandonar República Dominicana
Una camioneta blanca avanza con dificultad en una carretera de Laguna Salada, a medio camino entre la ciudad dominicana de Santiago y Dajabón, en la frontera con Haití.
Sillas, mesas, colchones, armarios, ollas, garrafas de agua , un neumático, una bombona de gas, un televisor… un enjambre de objetos apilados de manera caótica pero magistralmente colocados para que nada se caiga triplica la altura del vehículo.
Al volante, un inmigrante haitiano que, por miedo a perderlo todo, ha decidido reunir a su familia y regresar a su país con la casa a cuestas. Es una imagen que se repite decenas de veces cada día en los numerosos puntos fronterizos que separan ambos países desde que culminase a mediados de junio el registro del plan de regularización de extranjeros al que se han acogido más de 288.000 indocumentados, la mayoría haitianos.
Lea también: ¿Cuánto invierte República Dominicana en los haitianos? Los otros, los que no consigan reunir los requisitos para quedarse legalmente, viven bajo la amenaza de ser deportados que está dejando medio vacías algunas de las numerosas comunidades de inmigrantes haitianos en el país. Saltar el reproductorAyudaFuera del reproductor. Presione retorno para volver o el tabulador para continuar.
null "Nos estamos yendo porque siempre vemos por la televisión que la cosa va a estar caliente y yo, con mi familia, no puedo dejar a mi hija aquí botada. Yo me voy", le dice Rafael a BBC Mundo nada más sellar el papel que le certifica como inmigrante retornado en el puesto fronterizo de Ouanaminthe (Haití).
Tras pasar más de 4 años trabajando en campos de caña de azúcar y en la construcción en la localidad dominicana de Villa los Almácigos, este joven de 22 años ha decidido regresar junto con su mujer Joselyn, de 20, y su hija Janeire, de sólo 7 meses.
Vivir bajo la sombra de la deportación
Acaba de cruzar la frontera sobre el río Dajabón (río Masacre en Haití), que separa ambos países, y apostado delante de la moto con remolque que alquiló para trasladar sus pertenencias, Rafael sabe que el futuro que le espera en su país, el más pobre del continente, es incierto.
El futuro que les espera a los inmigrantes haitianos retornados como Joselyn y su hija Janeire en el país más pobre de América Latina es incierto.
"Vamos a ver qué sale por allá para ponernos a trabajar. No sé todavía qué va a resolver uno allá", lamenta el joven que presume de haber tenido una buena relación con sus vecinos dominicanos.
Los oficiales de inmigración haitianos que le han puesto el sello en sus documentos no pueden ocultar su enfado por la situación de sus compatriotas en República Dominicana mientras hablan con Jean Mari Josef, un haitiano de 52 años que asegura que fue deportado pese a tener una visa de trabajo.
Aunque las autoridades dominicanas dicen mantener el periodo de gracia previo a las temidas deportaciones de quienes no han conseguido regularizar su situación, este trabajador asegura que lo detuvieron y lo expulsaron a Haití cuando salía de su trabajo en un complejo hotelero en Puerto Plata.
Lea también: ¿Qué pierde República Dominicana si expulsa a los haitianos?
Pese a que las deportaciones masivas aún no han empezado, este trabajador haitiano asegura haber sido expulsado.
"Voy a subir a un motor (carro) y hay tres hombres que me llaman y me dicen: ven acá, moreno, dame tu cédula, y dije: yo no tengo cédula pero tengo mi pasaporte y también yo voy a tener residencia. Y me deportan con doce personas", afirma.
Indignado porque dice que los funcionarios que lo detuvieron no le dieron la oportunidad de ir a buscar sus documentos, Josef está dispuesto a tirar la toalla tras 17 años viviendo en el país donde tiene dos hijos, ambos con carrera universitaria.
"Voy a volver para vender lo que yo tengo, me dan mi liquidación. ¡Yo salgo de ese país y vengo para mi país ya! No puedo hacer nada porque no voy a coger vergüenza de acá para allá", le dice a BBC Mundo, refiriéndose a cómo se sintió cuando fue expulsado.
Entre el miedo y la indignación
En el municipio dominicano de Guayubín, a 69 kilómetros de la frontera por donde expulsaron a Josef, otro inmigrante haitiano, Lance Neville, comparte ese sentimiento de hastío.
A Lance Neville, una organización lo está ayudando a conseguir los papeles para regularizar su situación, pero asegura que no tiene miedo de una posible deportación.
Sentado a la sombra de un árbol mientras deshace las pequeñas trenzas que lleva su esposa, Neville afirma que está tratando de reunir los papeles para conseguir regularizar su situación, pero que si tuviera que irse lo haría "sin problemas y tranquilo".
"¿Tú ves cómo estoy ahora"?, pregunta el hombre apuntando al suelo de tierra de la comunidad de Ranchadero donde reside, un empobrecido conjunto de casas de latón y madera construidas de manera rudimentaria donde vive con un centenar de sus compatriotas.
Más de 280.000 indocumentados se han acogido al plan de regularización de extranjeros.
"Cualquiera que me diga: ¡Vámonos para Haití ahora!... Yo me voy", exclama el inmigrante que asegura que llegó con la idea de trabajar unos meses en el país para ganar unos pesos, pero que su estancia ya se extiende por más de una década.
Como la mayoría de sus vecinos, Neville se busca la vida trabajando en los campos de guineo (banano) y yuca, en la construcción, o en lo que surja, donde gana lo justo para sobrevivir y mantener a su mujer y sus cinco hijos –cuatro de los cuales estudian en Haití-.
"Alguna vez no puedes comer bien para que los hijos vayan a la escuela y no pasen hambre", lamenta el inmigrante.
Precisamente los altos costos que deben pagar a los abogados para tramitar los papeles es uno de los principales problemas con el que se han encontrado muchos inmigrantes haitianos a la hora de registrarse en el plan de regularización.
Amenazas
A Neville lo está ayudando una organización de trabajadores, pero con los 250 pesos dominicanos que gana al día (unos US$5,5), no podría pagar los hasta 15.000 pesos (US$ 333) que pide un abogado para hacer los trámites. Casas de haitianos en Ranchadero.
En esta hilera de casas en la comunidad de Ranchadero vivían 11 familias por 500 pesos dominicanos al mes (unos US$11). Ahora sólo quedan cinco. El resto se fueron por temor a las deportaciones. Pero no todos sus vecinos están tan tranquilos.
De hecho, en su comunidad, muchas casas se han quedado vacías después de que las familias huyeran por miedo a las deportaciones forzosas.
"La mayoría ¿tú sabes por qué se fueron?", explica Jackson Lorrain, el líder sindical que ayuda a Neville a reunir los papeles de los vecinos.
"Porque (algunos policías) llegan a la puerta de donde viven los migrantes y les dicen ¡ay!, ¿cuándo ustedes se van? Entonces contestan que ya pronto va a comenzar la deportación y que los van a devolver a todos. Los amenazan. Por eso la gente se está yendo de sus comunidades. No porque se quiera ir voluntariamente", apunta.
Prefieren volver a su país con sus pertenencias y sus familias antes de que un oficial de migración los detenga en medio de la calle y los expulse.
El ministro del Interior dominicano, José Ramón Fadul, aseguró que se dieron instrucciones a la policía y las Fuerzas Armadas "para el trato a las personas y que no haya atropellos" a partir del 1 de agosto, la última fecha dada de cuando podrían comenzar las deportaciones.
Pero la posibilidad de que se produzcan agresiones u otras violaciones de derechos humanos en las eventuales expulsiones y un vacío de la ley que hace que algunos inmigrantes se queden en situación prácticamente de apátridas, hizo saltar las alarmas en los despachos de los organismos internacionales y las ONGs.
Residentes después de medio siglo
El plan que levanta las susceptibilidades a nivel internacional y en República Dominicana (que defiende su derecho a decidir sus propias políticas migratorias), para sus principales destinatarios –los haitianos, que son el 87% de los inmigrantes en el país- tiene muchos sentimientos y significados.
Este lugar donde el gobierno dominicano da los carnets de residencia será también centro de detención cuando comiencen las deportaciones.
Como la justicia que le evoca a Osmán Noel, un haitiano menudo con una incipiente barba blanca que tras medio siglo exacto en República Dominicana -la mayoría de esos 600 meses picando caña de azúcar- por fin tiene un carnet que lo reconoce como residente legal en el país.
Con una camisa blanca impoluta y un sombrero marfil que contrastan con su piel oscura, Noel viajó desde el batey (finca) en el que vive en la provincia oriental del Seibo a Haina, ciudad aledaña a Santo Domingo, para recoger su tarjeta de residencia.
Muy elegante, como el resto de los cerca de 60 trabajadores de la caña jubilados con los que compartió un autobús verde algo destartalado, no puede ocultar su satisfacción: Autobús lleno de trabajadores d ela caña haitianos
Muchos trabajadores de la caña jubilados de los bateyes del este se han visto beneficiados por el plan de regularización.
"Este carnet es un derecho que me da el país y algo que dejaré a mis tres hijos", le dice Noel a BBC Mundo delante de la puerta del "Centro de acogida vacacional Haina", al lado del mar Caribe, y que, paradójicamente, se convertirá en una especie de centro de detención cuando comiencen las deportaciones.
Pero para quien Osman tiene palabras de agradecimiento es para Epifania Saint Charles, una joven dominicana de origen haitiano que trabaja en una organización que ayudó a los cañeros de los bateyes del Seibo a legalizar su situación y les costeó los trámites.
Para ella, la entrega de los carnets a los trabajadores de la caña jubilados –un sector ampliamente beneficiado por el plan de regularización- también es un acto de justicia.
"Son personas que tienen entre 40 y 60 años viviendo en el país. Yo nací y crecí en el batey y me encontré con ellos", afirma en declaraciones a BBC Mundo. "Esas personas han echado toda la vida aquí, ya son de aquí. ¿Pa dónde van esos viejitos, pa dónde los van a llevar? Tienen familia, hijos… No es necesario que los deporten ".
Sin embargo, Saint Charles reconoce que el plan deja fuera a mucha gente –se estima que al menos 180.000 personas-, como los hijos de inmigrantes haitianos que nacieron después del año 2007 y que no pudieron registrarse por no poder demostrar la estadía legal de sus padres.
La OEA advirtó en un informe emitido esta misma semana y que fue fuertemente criticado por República Dominicana que esas personas corren el riesgo de quedar apátridas, de "no contar con ninguna nacionalidad conocida". Haitiana en protesta en Santo Domingo
Los inmigrantes lamentan el alto costo de los trámites y la dificultad para conseguir algunos papeles para su regularización.
http://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias/2015/07/150730_americalatina_republica_dominicana_haitianos_lav
Al volante, un inmigrante haitiano que, por miedo a perderlo todo, ha decidido reunir a su familia y regresar a su país con la casa a cuestas. Es una imagen que se repite decenas de veces cada día en los numerosos puntos fronterizos que separan ambos países desde que culminase a mediados de junio el registro del plan de regularización de extranjeros al que se han acogido más de 288.000 indocumentados, la mayoría haitianos.
Lea también: ¿Cuánto invierte República Dominicana en los haitianos? Los otros, los que no consigan reunir los requisitos para quedarse legalmente, viven bajo la amenaza de ser deportados que está dejando medio vacías algunas de las numerosas comunidades de inmigrantes haitianos en el país. Saltar el reproductorAyudaFuera del reproductor. Presione retorno para volver o el tabulador para continuar.
null "Nos estamos yendo porque siempre vemos por la televisión que la cosa va a estar caliente y yo, con mi familia, no puedo dejar a mi hija aquí botada. Yo me voy", le dice Rafael a BBC Mundo nada más sellar el papel que le certifica como inmigrante retornado en el puesto fronterizo de Ouanaminthe (Haití).
Tras pasar más de 4 años trabajando en campos de caña de azúcar y en la construcción en la localidad dominicana de Villa los Almácigos, este joven de 22 años ha decidido regresar junto con su mujer Joselyn, de 20, y su hija Janeire, de sólo 7 meses.
Vivir bajo la sombra de la deportación
Acaba de cruzar la frontera sobre el río Dajabón (río Masacre en Haití), que separa ambos países, y apostado delante de la moto con remolque que alquiló para trasladar sus pertenencias, Rafael sabe que el futuro que le espera en su país, el más pobre del continente, es incierto.
El futuro que les espera a los inmigrantes haitianos retornados como Joselyn y su hija Janeire en el país más pobre de América Latina es incierto.
"Vamos a ver qué sale por allá para ponernos a trabajar. No sé todavía qué va a resolver uno allá", lamenta el joven que presume de haber tenido una buena relación con sus vecinos dominicanos.
Los oficiales de inmigración haitianos que le han puesto el sello en sus documentos no pueden ocultar su enfado por la situación de sus compatriotas en República Dominicana mientras hablan con Jean Mari Josef, un haitiano de 52 años que asegura que fue deportado pese a tener una visa de trabajo.
Aunque las autoridades dominicanas dicen mantener el periodo de gracia previo a las temidas deportaciones de quienes no han conseguido regularizar su situación, este trabajador asegura que lo detuvieron y lo expulsaron a Haití cuando salía de su trabajo en un complejo hotelero en Puerto Plata.
Lea también: ¿Qué pierde República Dominicana si expulsa a los haitianos?
Pese a que las deportaciones masivas aún no han empezado, este trabajador haitiano asegura haber sido expulsado.
"Voy a subir a un motor (carro) y hay tres hombres que me llaman y me dicen: ven acá, moreno, dame tu cédula, y dije: yo no tengo cédula pero tengo mi pasaporte y también yo voy a tener residencia. Y me deportan con doce personas", afirma.
Indignado porque dice que los funcionarios que lo detuvieron no le dieron la oportunidad de ir a buscar sus documentos, Josef está dispuesto a tirar la toalla tras 17 años viviendo en el país donde tiene dos hijos, ambos con carrera universitaria.
"Voy a volver para vender lo que yo tengo, me dan mi liquidación. ¡Yo salgo de ese país y vengo para mi país ya! No puedo hacer nada porque no voy a coger vergüenza de acá para allá", le dice a BBC Mundo, refiriéndose a cómo se sintió cuando fue expulsado.
Entre el miedo y la indignación
En el municipio dominicano de Guayubín, a 69 kilómetros de la frontera por donde expulsaron a Josef, otro inmigrante haitiano, Lance Neville, comparte ese sentimiento de hastío.
A Lance Neville, una organización lo está ayudando a conseguir los papeles para regularizar su situación, pero asegura que no tiene miedo de una posible deportación.
Sentado a la sombra de un árbol mientras deshace las pequeñas trenzas que lleva su esposa, Neville afirma que está tratando de reunir los papeles para conseguir regularizar su situación, pero que si tuviera que irse lo haría "sin problemas y tranquilo".
"¿Tú ves cómo estoy ahora"?, pregunta el hombre apuntando al suelo de tierra de la comunidad de Ranchadero donde reside, un empobrecido conjunto de casas de latón y madera construidas de manera rudimentaria donde vive con un centenar de sus compatriotas.
Más de 280.000 indocumentados se han acogido al plan de regularización de extranjeros.
"Cualquiera que me diga: ¡Vámonos para Haití ahora!... Yo me voy", exclama el inmigrante que asegura que llegó con la idea de trabajar unos meses en el país para ganar unos pesos, pero que su estancia ya se extiende por más de una década.
Como la mayoría de sus vecinos, Neville se busca la vida trabajando en los campos de guineo (banano) y yuca, en la construcción, o en lo que surja, donde gana lo justo para sobrevivir y mantener a su mujer y sus cinco hijos –cuatro de los cuales estudian en Haití-.
"Alguna vez no puedes comer bien para que los hijos vayan a la escuela y no pasen hambre", lamenta el inmigrante.
Precisamente los altos costos que deben pagar a los abogados para tramitar los papeles es uno de los principales problemas con el que se han encontrado muchos inmigrantes haitianos a la hora de registrarse en el plan de regularización.
Amenazas
A Neville lo está ayudando una organización de trabajadores, pero con los 250 pesos dominicanos que gana al día (unos US$5,5), no podría pagar los hasta 15.000 pesos (US$ 333) que pide un abogado para hacer los trámites. Casas de haitianos en Ranchadero.
En esta hilera de casas en la comunidad de Ranchadero vivían 11 familias por 500 pesos dominicanos al mes (unos US$11). Ahora sólo quedan cinco. El resto se fueron por temor a las deportaciones. Pero no todos sus vecinos están tan tranquilos.
De hecho, en su comunidad, muchas casas se han quedado vacías después de que las familias huyeran por miedo a las deportaciones forzosas.
"La mayoría ¿tú sabes por qué se fueron?", explica Jackson Lorrain, el líder sindical que ayuda a Neville a reunir los papeles de los vecinos.
"Porque (algunos policías) llegan a la puerta de donde viven los migrantes y les dicen ¡ay!, ¿cuándo ustedes se van? Entonces contestan que ya pronto va a comenzar la deportación y que los van a devolver a todos. Los amenazan. Por eso la gente se está yendo de sus comunidades. No porque se quiera ir voluntariamente", apunta.
Prefieren volver a su país con sus pertenencias y sus familias antes de que un oficial de migración los detenga en medio de la calle y los expulse.
El ministro del Interior dominicano, José Ramón Fadul, aseguró que se dieron instrucciones a la policía y las Fuerzas Armadas "para el trato a las personas y que no haya atropellos" a partir del 1 de agosto, la última fecha dada de cuando podrían comenzar las deportaciones.
Pero la posibilidad de que se produzcan agresiones u otras violaciones de derechos humanos en las eventuales expulsiones y un vacío de la ley que hace que algunos inmigrantes se queden en situación prácticamente de apátridas, hizo saltar las alarmas en los despachos de los organismos internacionales y las ONGs.
Residentes después de medio siglo
El plan que levanta las susceptibilidades a nivel internacional y en República Dominicana (que defiende su derecho a decidir sus propias políticas migratorias), para sus principales destinatarios –los haitianos, que son el 87% de los inmigrantes en el país- tiene muchos sentimientos y significados.
Este lugar donde el gobierno dominicano da los carnets de residencia será también centro de detención cuando comiencen las deportaciones.
Como la justicia que le evoca a Osmán Noel, un haitiano menudo con una incipiente barba blanca que tras medio siglo exacto en República Dominicana -la mayoría de esos 600 meses picando caña de azúcar- por fin tiene un carnet que lo reconoce como residente legal en el país.
Con una camisa blanca impoluta y un sombrero marfil que contrastan con su piel oscura, Noel viajó desde el batey (finca) en el que vive en la provincia oriental del Seibo a Haina, ciudad aledaña a Santo Domingo, para recoger su tarjeta de residencia.
Muy elegante, como el resto de los cerca de 60 trabajadores de la caña jubilados con los que compartió un autobús verde algo destartalado, no puede ocultar su satisfacción: Autobús lleno de trabajadores d ela caña haitianos
Muchos trabajadores de la caña jubilados de los bateyes del este se han visto beneficiados por el plan de regularización.
"Este carnet es un derecho que me da el país y algo que dejaré a mis tres hijos", le dice Noel a BBC Mundo delante de la puerta del "Centro de acogida vacacional Haina", al lado del mar Caribe, y que, paradójicamente, se convertirá en una especie de centro de detención cuando comiencen las deportaciones.
Pero para quien Osman tiene palabras de agradecimiento es para Epifania Saint Charles, una joven dominicana de origen haitiano que trabaja en una organización que ayudó a los cañeros de los bateyes del Seibo a legalizar su situación y les costeó los trámites.
Para ella, la entrega de los carnets a los trabajadores de la caña jubilados –un sector ampliamente beneficiado por el plan de regularización- también es un acto de justicia.
"Son personas que tienen entre 40 y 60 años viviendo en el país. Yo nací y crecí en el batey y me encontré con ellos", afirma en declaraciones a BBC Mundo. "Esas personas han echado toda la vida aquí, ya son de aquí. ¿Pa dónde van esos viejitos, pa dónde los van a llevar? Tienen familia, hijos… No es necesario que los deporten ".
Sin embargo, Saint Charles reconoce que el plan deja fuera a mucha gente –se estima que al menos 180.000 personas-, como los hijos de inmigrantes haitianos que nacieron después del año 2007 y que no pudieron registrarse por no poder demostrar la estadía legal de sus padres.
La OEA advirtó en un informe emitido esta misma semana y que fue fuertemente criticado por República Dominicana que esas personas corren el riesgo de quedar apátridas, de "no contar con ninguna nacionalidad conocida". Haitiana en protesta en Santo Domingo
Los inmigrantes lamentan el alto costo de los trámites y la dificultad para conseguir algunos papeles para su regularización.
http://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias/2015/07/150730_americalatina_republica_dominicana_haitianos_lav
Gobierno haitiano advierte sobre la harina dominicana
SANTO DOMINGO.- El gobierno haitiano advirtió ayer sobre la comercialización en Haití de harina dominicana que tiene un “componente cancerígeno” mortal para el consumo humano.
Por tal motivo, el Ministerio de Comunicación divulgó una serie de medidas para controlar el ingreso de ese producto a territorio haitiano desde el país vecino.
Una resolución de los Ministerios de Economía y de Industria advierte que un certificado de análisis sobre la calidad y los aditivos del producto por parte del país exportador deberá acompañar cada lote de importación de harina, además de la autorización de la Dirección General de Aduanas de Haití.
El Ministerio de Comercio e Industria de Haití ya había difundido a principios de este mes un comunicado en el que advertía que la importación de harina de trigo de República Dominicana estaría sujeta a la obtención de un Certificado de Venta Libre (CVL) del país exportador antes de su venta en el mercado haitiano.
El miércoles de esta semana, el jefe de la Dirección de Cuarentena y Control Sanitario de Productos Agrícolas y Pesqueros, Pierre Charlemagne Charles, reiteró que medidas restrictivas fueron adoptadas por Agricultura en respuesta a los resultados de análisis que mostraron que la harina dominicana “contiene una dosis excesiva de bromato de potasio, que produce cáncer”.
Charles dijo que las autoridades están instando a las instituciones del Estado a adoptar las medidas necesarias para prevenir la introducción del producto a suelo haitiano, y señaló que los productores dominicanos deberán presentar un certificado de calidad antes de obtener la autorización de organismos haitianos.
“Los análisis han observado una tasa inusualmente alta de bromato de potasio en la harina de trigo dominicana. Esta sustancia puede causar varios tipos de cáncer”, dijo Charles, que explicó que el gobierno requiere el cumplimiento del estándar de veinte miligramos por kilogramo de los niveles de bromato en la harina.
“Todas las harinas que contienen altos índices de bromato provienen de República Dominicana”, agregó el funcionario.
Una resolución difundida ayer, de fecha 28 de julio y suscrita por los ministros Wilson Laleau, de Economía, y Jude Hervey Day, de Industria y Comercio, advierte que Aduanas se reserva el derecho de establecer una cuarentena a todo producto que no respete las medidas anunciadas, y de inspeccionar todas las importaciones de harina para garantizar el estricto cumplimiento de la disposición.
MEDIDAS A FAVOR DE LOS CONSUMIDORES
El director de Cuarentena y Control Sanitario de Productos Agrícolas y Pesqueros de Haití, Pierre Charlemagne Charles, dijo que en los últimos meses varias toneladas de harina fueron incautadas por las autoridades aduaneras, y anunció que las restricciones se mantendrán hasta que los productores dominicanos cumplan las normas internacionales.
“Estas medidas no están destinadas a bloquear el comercio sino por proteger a los consumidores haitianos”, dijo el funcionario. De la misma opinión fue el secretario de Estado para la Producción Animal, Michel Chancy, quien manifestó que las restricciones están diseñadas con ese objetivo.
FUENTE: Listindiario
http://almomento.net/gobierno-haitiano-advierte-sobre-la-harina-dominicana-dice-es-cancerigeno/123247
http://almomento.net/gobierno-haitiano-advierte-sobre-la-harina-dominicana-dice-es-cancerigeno/123247
Mayweather vuelve al ring contra el haitiano Berto
Las Vegas.- Floyd Mayweather Jr. de 38 años de edad volverá al cuadrilátero por primera vez desde que protagonizó la llamada pelea del siglo, para enfrentar al estadounidense de origen haitiano Andre Berto , de 31 años de edad, el 12 de septiembre en Las Vegas, en lo que ha dicho que sería su última pelea.
El combate por el título peso welter no luce, ni cerca, tan lucrativo como el pleito de Mayweather del 2 de mayo, en el que venció a Manny Pacquiao y obtuvo ganancias, de acuerdo a reportes, por 220 millones de dólares.
Sin embargo, será transmitida en pago por evento, donde Mayweather figura como el amplio favorito para ganar por ocasión 49 en igual número de peleas profesionales.
Berto, olímpico en 2004, alguna vez lució como una estrella en ascenso, pero ha perdido tres de sus últimas seis peleas. Dos de esas derrotas fueron ante Robert Guerrero y Víctor Ortiz, a los que Mayweather venció con facilidad.
“Siempre doy lo mejor y este combate contra Andre Berto no será la excepción”, dijo Mayweather a la hora de anunciar la pelea. “Es un boxeador joven y fuerte, que tiene hambre de vencer a los mejores.
Antes de él, 48 lo han intentado, y el 12 de septiembre, serán 49″.
La sexta es la última en un acuerdo de seis peleas que Mayweather tenía con la cadena Showtime, y el púgil ha repetido varias veces que se retirará una vez que el acuerdo finalice.
Mayweather, de 38 años, se había retirado anteriormente, pero volvió tras un breve descanso.“Floyd ha sido congruente y no ha dudado al decir que es su último combate”, dijo Stephen Espinoza, vicepresidente ejecutivo y gerente general de Showtime Sports.
“Es el mejor peleador y es un tanto sorprendente que se retire en este momento, pero nunca lo he escuchado decir lo contrario”.
Espinoza rechazó las críticas de se trata de un combate desigual, al señalar que hubo complicaciones para llegar a un acuerdo con el inglés Amir Khan y que no hay muchos peleadores de donde escoger. Dijo que Berto será agresivo, algo que Pacquiao no quiso o no pudo hacer en la pelea del pasado mayo.
“Es uno de esos boxeadores que siempre da espectáculo”, dijo Espinoza de Berto. “Tal vez su mayor defecto es que es demasiado agresivo”.
Mayweather esperó hasya el último momento para anunciar la pelea, que se realizará en el MGM Grand Arena, mismo lugar donde venció a Pacquiao por decisión unánime.
Mayweather y Berto estarán el jueves en Los Ángeles para anunciar una pelea que está a menos de seis semanas de distancia.
Berto (30-3) ganó sus primeras 27 peleas como profesional y obtuvo un título de peso welter. Pero luego cayó ante Ortiz, antes de perder peleas consecutivas ante Guerrero y Jesús Soto Karass.Berto, quien se recuperó para ganar sus últimos dos pleitos, dijo que demostrará que se merece la oportunidad.
“Más vale que crea que voy a ir tras Floyd y que no me preocupa lo que otros 48 boxeadores no pudieron hacer”, señaló.
“Alguien saldrá noqueado, y no seré yo”.
Si Mayweather vence a Berto, mejoraría su foja a 49-0, igualando la marca perfecta con la que Rocky Marciano se retiró como campeón de peso completo en 1956.
Existe especulación de que Mayweather pelearía una vez más para romper el récord, tal vez inaugurando la nueva arena del MGM sobre Las Vegas Strip a mediados del año entrante.http://www.cdn.com.do/noticias/2015/08/05/mayweather-vuelve-al-ring-contra-el-haitiano-berto/
El combate por el título peso welter no luce, ni cerca, tan lucrativo como el pleito de Mayweather del 2 de mayo, en el que venció a Manny Pacquiao y obtuvo ganancias, de acuerdo a reportes, por 220 millones de dólares.
Sin embargo, será transmitida en pago por evento, donde Mayweather figura como el amplio favorito para ganar por ocasión 49 en igual número de peleas profesionales.
Berto, olímpico en 2004, alguna vez lució como una estrella en ascenso, pero ha perdido tres de sus últimas seis peleas. Dos de esas derrotas fueron ante Robert Guerrero y Víctor Ortiz, a los que Mayweather venció con facilidad.
“Siempre doy lo mejor y este combate contra Andre Berto no será la excepción”, dijo Mayweather a la hora de anunciar la pelea. “Es un boxeador joven y fuerte, que tiene hambre de vencer a los mejores.
Antes de él, 48 lo han intentado, y el 12 de septiembre, serán 49″.
La sexta es la última en un acuerdo de seis peleas que Mayweather tenía con la cadena Showtime, y el púgil ha repetido varias veces que se retirará una vez que el acuerdo finalice.
Mayweather, de 38 años, se había retirado anteriormente, pero volvió tras un breve descanso.“Floyd ha sido congruente y no ha dudado al decir que es su último combate”, dijo Stephen Espinoza, vicepresidente ejecutivo y gerente general de Showtime Sports.
“Es el mejor peleador y es un tanto sorprendente que se retire en este momento, pero nunca lo he escuchado decir lo contrario”.
Espinoza rechazó las críticas de se trata de un combate desigual, al señalar que hubo complicaciones para llegar a un acuerdo con el inglés Amir Khan y que no hay muchos peleadores de donde escoger. Dijo que Berto será agresivo, algo que Pacquiao no quiso o no pudo hacer en la pelea del pasado mayo.
“Es uno de esos boxeadores que siempre da espectáculo”, dijo Espinoza de Berto. “Tal vez su mayor defecto es que es demasiado agresivo”.
Mayweather esperó hasya el último momento para anunciar la pelea, que se realizará en el MGM Grand Arena, mismo lugar donde venció a Pacquiao por decisión unánime.
Mayweather y Berto estarán el jueves en Los Ángeles para anunciar una pelea que está a menos de seis semanas de distancia.
Berto (30-3) ganó sus primeras 27 peleas como profesional y obtuvo un título de peso welter. Pero luego cayó ante Ortiz, antes de perder peleas consecutivas ante Guerrero y Jesús Soto Karass.Berto, quien se recuperó para ganar sus últimos dos pleitos, dijo que demostrará que se merece la oportunidad.
“Más vale que crea que voy a ir tras Floyd y que no me preocupa lo que otros 48 boxeadores no pudieron hacer”, señaló.
“Alguien saldrá noqueado, y no seré yo”.
Si Mayweather vence a Berto, mejoraría su foja a 49-0, igualando la marca perfecta con la que Rocky Marciano se retiró como campeón de peso completo en 1956.
Existe especulación de que Mayweather pelearía una vez más para romper el récord, tal vez inaugurando la nueva arena del MGM sobre Las Vegas Strip a mediados del año entrante.http://www.cdn.com.do/noticias/2015/08/05/mayweather-vuelve-al-ring-contra-el-haitiano-berto/
AIRD: Haití no tiene razones para poner trabas a la harina
El presidente de la UMPIH, Jesús Valdez, calificó como retaliación por asuntos migratorios, la acción del Gobierno hatiano de poner condiciones a la exportación de harina
Patria Reyes Rodríguez
Santo Domingo
La vicepresidenta ejecutiva de la Asociación de Industria de la República Dominicana (AIRD), Circe Almánzar, afirmó ayer que Haití no tiene ninguna justificación para poner trabas a la exportación de harina desde República Dominicana.
La ejecutiva de la AIRD aseguró que hace mucho tiempo que los industriales de la harina ya no usan bromato de potasio, “y eso lo pueden certificar las autoridades de Salud Pública”.
“El bromato de potasio hace mucho que no se usa en el país, entonces ellos no tienen ninguna excusa, ni argumento para poner prohibición a la entrada del producto a su país”, enfatizó.
Almánzar señaló que le sorprendió que haya sido el pasado miércoles cuando las autoridades haitianas hicieron pública la advertencia, ya que la decisión la habían tomado varias semanas antes.
Refirió que los molineros dominicanos han estado trabajando para obtener los Certificados de Libre Ventas que exigen las autoridades haitianas.
La vicepresidenta ejecutiva de la AIRD dijo que espera que el Gobierno haitiano cumpla con lo que estipula el comercio internacional de que si se tiene garantía de la autoridades reguladoras de la calidad, como son los Certificados de Libre Ventas, ellos no pueden oponerse a la entrada de productos dominicanos.
La representante del empresariado sostuvo: “Sin importar si es retaliación o no, Haití tiene que comprometerse y cumplir con lo que dicen las normas internacionales de comercio”.
No obstante, el presidente de la Unión de Medianos y Pequeños Industriales de la Harina (UMPIH), Jesús Váldez, calificó la acción como un acto de retaliación del Gobierno haitiano por el tema migratorio.
“Cada vez, de tiempo en tiempo, ellos vienen hablando sobre algún producto de consumo masivo de Haití que viene exportado de República Dominicana”, dijo Váldez, poniendo como ejemplo el caso de los huevos y pollos.
Refirió que desde el 2010 en el país no se le echa bromato de potasio a la harina (componente que sirve de madurar al proceso de elaboración de la harina), aunque en muchos países aún se usa, como es el caso de Estados Unidos.
Aseguró que la acción tomada por Haití aún no ha afectado a los empresarios agrupados en la UMPIH y expresó su creencia de que esto no trascenderá porque su interés es político. “Ellos siempre quieren tener un tema para poder acusarnos y denigrarnos”, apuntó.
De igual forma reaccionó la Confederación de la Pequeña y Medina Empresa (Codopyme), cuyo presidente, Isachart Burgos, manifestó que hace cinco años los industriales de la harina sustituyeron el bromato de potasio por ácido ascórbico y por otros productos enzimáticos.
Advertencia
Al finalizar la pasada semana, el gobierno haitiano advirtió sobre la comercialización en Haití de harina dominicana por considerar que tiene un “componente cancerígeno” mortal para el consumo humano.
El Ministerio de Comunicación divulgó una serie de medidas para controlar el ingreso de ese producto a territorio haitiano desde República Dominicana.
Una resolución de los ministerios de Economía y de Industria adviertió que un certificado de análisis sobre la calidad y los aditivos del producto por parte del país exportador deberá acompañar cada lote de importación de harina, además de la autorización de la Dirección General de Aduanas de Haití.
El Ministerio de Comercio e Industria de Haití había difundido a inicios de este mes un comunicado, advirtiendo que para importar harina de trigo de República Dominicana había que obtener un Certificado de Venta Libre.
((Apoyan regularización
UMPIH dice se debe continuar proceso
El presidente de la UMPIH, Jesús Váldez, indicó que el Gobierno dominicano debe continuar con su plan de regularizar la migración ilegal.
“El Gobierno debe seguir firme y no echarse para atrás”, indicó Váldez.
Sostuvo que las autoridades dominicanas deben defender los derechos comerciales que tiene y continuar con su proyecto de controlar la inmigración. Agregó que el Gobierno puede realizar investigaciones que den aval a lo expuesto por los industriales de que ya no se usa el bromato de potasio y así desmontar los argumentos que esgrimen los haitianos.
Resaltó que en la actualidad se exportan entre 30,000 y 40,000 quintales de harina a la vecina República de Haití, lo que signifca un valor aproximado de un millón de dólares
http://www.listindiario.com/economia/2015/08/03/382751/aird-haiti-no-tiene-razones-para-poner-trabas-a-la-harina
Patria Reyes Rodríguez
Santo Domingo
La vicepresidenta ejecutiva de la Asociación de Industria de la República Dominicana (AIRD), Circe Almánzar, afirmó ayer que Haití no tiene ninguna justificación para poner trabas a la exportación de harina desde República Dominicana.
La ejecutiva de la AIRD aseguró que hace mucho tiempo que los industriales de la harina ya no usan bromato de potasio, “y eso lo pueden certificar las autoridades de Salud Pública”.
“El bromato de potasio hace mucho que no se usa en el país, entonces ellos no tienen ninguna excusa, ni argumento para poner prohibición a la entrada del producto a su país”, enfatizó.
Almánzar señaló que le sorprendió que haya sido el pasado miércoles cuando las autoridades haitianas hicieron pública la advertencia, ya que la decisión la habían tomado varias semanas antes.
Refirió que los molineros dominicanos han estado trabajando para obtener los Certificados de Libre Ventas que exigen las autoridades haitianas.
La vicepresidenta ejecutiva de la AIRD dijo que espera que el Gobierno haitiano cumpla con lo que estipula el comercio internacional de que si se tiene garantía de la autoridades reguladoras de la calidad, como son los Certificados de Libre Ventas, ellos no pueden oponerse a la entrada de productos dominicanos.
La representante del empresariado sostuvo: “Sin importar si es retaliación o no, Haití tiene que comprometerse y cumplir con lo que dicen las normas internacionales de comercio”.
No obstante, el presidente de la Unión de Medianos y Pequeños Industriales de la Harina (UMPIH), Jesús Váldez, calificó la acción como un acto de retaliación del Gobierno haitiano por el tema migratorio.
“Cada vez, de tiempo en tiempo, ellos vienen hablando sobre algún producto de consumo masivo de Haití que viene exportado de República Dominicana”, dijo Váldez, poniendo como ejemplo el caso de los huevos y pollos.
Refirió que desde el 2010 en el país no se le echa bromato de potasio a la harina (componente que sirve de madurar al proceso de elaboración de la harina), aunque en muchos países aún se usa, como es el caso de Estados Unidos.
Aseguró que la acción tomada por Haití aún no ha afectado a los empresarios agrupados en la UMPIH y expresó su creencia de que esto no trascenderá porque su interés es político. “Ellos siempre quieren tener un tema para poder acusarnos y denigrarnos”, apuntó.
De igual forma reaccionó la Confederación de la Pequeña y Medina Empresa (Codopyme), cuyo presidente, Isachart Burgos, manifestó que hace cinco años los industriales de la harina sustituyeron el bromato de potasio por ácido ascórbico y por otros productos enzimáticos.
Advertencia
Al finalizar la pasada semana, el gobierno haitiano advirtió sobre la comercialización en Haití de harina dominicana por considerar que tiene un “componente cancerígeno” mortal para el consumo humano.
El Ministerio de Comunicación divulgó una serie de medidas para controlar el ingreso de ese producto a territorio haitiano desde República Dominicana.
Una resolución de los ministerios de Economía y de Industria adviertió que un certificado de análisis sobre la calidad y los aditivos del producto por parte del país exportador deberá acompañar cada lote de importación de harina, además de la autorización de la Dirección General de Aduanas de Haití.
El Ministerio de Comercio e Industria de Haití había difundido a inicios de este mes un comunicado, advirtiendo que para importar harina de trigo de República Dominicana había que obtener un Certificado de Venta Libre.
((Apoyan regularización
UMPIH dice se debe continuar proceso
El presidente de la UMPIH, Jesús Váldez, indicó que el Gobierno dominicano debe continuar con su plan de regularizar la migración ilegal.
“El Gobierno debe seguir firme y no echarse para atrás”, indicó Váldez.
Sostuvo que las autoridades dominicanas deben defender los derechos comerciales que tiene y continuar con su proyecto de controlar la inmigración. Agregó que el Gobierno puede realizar investigaciones que den aval a lo expuesto por los industriales de que ya no se usa el bromato de potasio y así desmontar los argumentos que esgrimen los haitianos.
Resaltó que en la actualidad se exportan entre 30,000 y 40,000 quintales de harina a la vecina República de Haití, lo que signifca un valor aproximado de un millón de dólares
http://www.listindiario.com/economia/2015/08/03/382751/aird-haiti-no-tiene-razones-para-poner-trabas-a-la-harina
Racism hiding behind the law
Amín Pérez and Juan Miguel Pérez explain the roots of anti-Haitian laws in the Dominican Republic.
August 6, 2015
Haitian sugar cane workers in Dominican Republic take a ten-minute break under a truck, the only source of shade
STATES CREATE--through ideologies that make them defenders of the nation--ghosts in the collective imagination of communities they are supposed to serve. Once these ghosts install themselves as prejudices in popular culture, they become part of the state ideology that governs the ways its subjects, the state's citizens, feel, think and act.
In the Dominican Republic, the story hasn't been any different. Recently, the government has once again used the issue of immigration to exploit an historical discourse through which the governing classes have sought to reaffirm their political, economic and social hegemony in Dominican society.
The most recent wave of state racism began September 23, 2013, when the Tribunal Constitutional, the country's Supreme Court, announced Decision 168/13, which revoked Dominican citizenship from Juliana Deguis.
This young woman was born to Haitian parents in the Dominican Republic 30 years ago. She has never stepped foot on Haitian soil. She lived in Yamasá, a town to the north of Santo Domingo where she carried on a normal life until the day the government refused to provide her with a birth certificate. The decision took away her citizenship, arguing that, at the time of her birth, her parents were in an "irregular" situation or, rather, "in transit" as determined by this same state.
Beyond this individual case, the violence of this decision was such that it was applied to every Dominican citizen born to foreign parents in a similar situation between 1929 and 2007.
Under local and international pressure, this measure was reconsidered by means of a "naturalization" plan in 2014. The objective was to re-examine the situation of these Dominicans who lost their citizenship. But this process became even more complicated when it became entangled with a plan to "regularize" undocumented immigrant workers.
Combining these two legally distinct processes, the Dominican state's discriminatory intent directed at a specific population (Haitian parents and their Dominican children). In the same way, the Haitian government exposed its abandonment of and indifference to its emigrant citizens in failing to represent them or to provide them documentation for their regularization in the Dominican Republic.
Both cases show the push and pull of government action toward the most vulnerable country men and women. On the one hand, the Haitian state's disinterest in a population that felt obligated to leave in search of better living conditions. On the other hand, the Dominican state looking not just to get rid of hundreds of thousands of immigrants used merely as manual labors, but also to set their children on the same temporary and precarious path as their parents.
What is the balance sheet after all of these measures? More than 53,000 Dominicans were denied their citizenship, with only 8,755 being able to complete the re-naturalization process. If today the government were to announce the restitution of citizenship to the rest of the population in question, this would still be murky: if the restitution were to be effective, how would naturalization help the population that is already defined as Dominican? What is the value of this nationality, inscribed in a specific civil registry, to the rest of the population, defining Dominican "qualities" in such a way?
On the other hand, of the more than 500,000 Haitian workers enumerated by the census, only 288,000 have been able to register under the regularization plan, without any idea of their legal fate since only 1.6 percent of registered immigrants can provide the documentation needed to regularize their status. Waiting for a clear decision from the government, the results are, in fact, already in: thousands of immigrants and Dominicans are subject to expulsion at any time. On top of the de facto segregation that denied access to these national and immigrant populations' ability to schools, work, housing or medical care, there is now an added legal segregation, i.e., the threat of expulsion from one's own land.
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - WHO ARE these people who don't deserve to live in the Dominican Republic or to be citizens of the country? Primarily they are the children of a wave of Haitian immigration that began arriving a century ago to work on the large sugar cane plantations and later in the agricultural and construction sectors.
For decades, the employers--along with the state and more recently the private sector--have regulated these migrations, assigning them a "transitory" status that preserved precarious work conditions and the denial of social services to these migrants.
To carry out such a policy of marginalization without being suspected of discrimination, the Tribunal justices hid behind the letter of the law. The issue is, however, an eminently political one since the law is openly directed at a population identified by its ethnic origin. Like other measures that bring to mind the worst moments of our contemporary history, this one is based on the ideals and interests of a ruling class that has not stopped agitating about the supposed threat from Haitians to the "Dominican national character."
The rise to power of the Party of Dominican Liberation [the current, neoliberal ruling party] and its decision to ally itself with a notably anti-Haitian conservative party and with the economic elites who are beholden to the sugar industry, has brought back politics that were considered taboo.
These ideas come from the period of independence (1844), won from the occupying Haitians, and not from the Spanish empire like the majority of the Latin American republics. Since this time, the leaders of the extreme right of the country have frequently used the Haitian question to construct a nationalist narrative based on crude opposites: Spanish/creole, Catholicism/voodoo, or the most polarizing of all, that of the blacks (Haitians) and Dominicans regardless of their racial mix.
Using these criteria to define legal and social inclusion in the nation is one way of imposing the hegemony of a political minority and making every person who doesn't fit its norms disappear from the national picture. This discourse of "national interest" fronts for a reappearing state racism that is legitimizing the social and physical exclusion of a majority black population relegated to the lowest strata in labor forces (for example, day laborers and manual laborers).
It's not by chance that those that are targeted for attacks on their social rights (working conditions, salary, education, health) are suddenly proclaimed illegitimate in the country. In creating social tensions seeking to differentiate "them" from "us," this institutional violence is one way of concealing the rollback of social rights for all Dominicans.
Despite multiple mobilizations against these measures, the condemnations of human rights violations from governments and the international press, the Dominican state has affirmed that its decision is irrevocable.
State racism hiding behind the letter of the law has just erased the history of a people: that of a black, immigrant working class and its Dominican children. This is a political issue that can only be resolved in the political arena. When human dignity is at stake, neither the laws nor the institutions are inviolable.
Translation by Hannah Fleury. First published in Spanish in 80 grados, an online political and cultural affairs magazine based in Puerto Rico.
https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=1089893036601291753#editor/target=post;postID=690847743688340200
August 6, 2015
Haitian sugar cane workers in Dominican Republic take a ten-minute break under a truck, the only source of shade
STATES CREATE--through ideologies that make them defenders of the nation--ghosts in the collective imagination of communities they are supposed to serve. Once these ghosts install themselves as prejudices in popular culture, they become part of the state ideology that governs the ways its subjects, the state's citizens, feel, think and act.
In the Dominican Republic, the story hasn't been any different. Recently, the government has once again used the issue of immigration to exploit an historical discourse through which the governing classes have sought to reaffirm their political, economic and social hegemony in Dominican society.
The most recent wave of state racism began September 23, 2013, when the Tribunal Constitutional, the country's Supreme Court, announced Decision 168/13, which revoked Dominican citizenship from Juliana Deguis.
This young woman was born to Haitian parents in the Dominican Republic 30 years ago. She has never stepped foot on Haitian soil. She lived in Yamasá, a town to the north of Santo Domingo where she carried on a normal life until the day the government refused to provide her with a birth certificate. The decision took away her citizenship, arguing that, at the time of her birth, her parents were in an "irregular" situation or, rather, "in transit" as determined by this same state.
Beyond this individual case, the violence of this decision was such that it was applied to every Dominican citizen born to foreign parents in a similar situation between 1929 and 2007.
Under local and international pressure, this measure was reconsidered by means of a "naturalization" plan in 2014. The objective was to re-examine the situation of these Dominicans who lost their citizenship. But this process became even more complicated when it became entangled with a plan to "regularize" undocumented immigrant workers.
Combining these two legally distinct processes, the Dominican state's discriminatory intent directed at a specific population (Haitian parents and their Dominican children). In the same way, the Haitian government exposed its abandonment of and indifference to its emigrant citizens in failing to represent them or to provide them documentation for their regularization in the Dominican Republic.
Both cases show the push and pull of government action toward the most vulnerable country men and women. On the one hand, the Haitian state's disinterest in a population that felt obligated to leave in search of better living conditions. On the other hand, the Dominican state looking not just to get rid of hundreds of thousands of immigrants used merely as manual labors, but also to set their children on the same temporary and precarious path as their parents.
What is the balance sheet after all of these measures? More than 53,000 Dominicans were denied their citizenship, with only 8,755 being able to complete the re-naturalization process. If today the government were to announce the restitution of citizenship to the rest of the population in question, this would still be murky: if the restitution were to be effective, how would naturalization help the population that is already defined as Dominican? What is the value of this nationality, inscribed in a specific civil registry, to the rest of the population, defining Dominican "qualities" in such a way?
On the other hand, of the more than 500,000 Haitian workers enumerated by the census, only 288,000 have been able to register under the regularization plan, without any idea of their legal fate since only 1.6 percent of registered immigrants can provide the documentation needed to regularize their status. Waiting for a clear decision from the government, the results are, in fact, already in: thousands of immigrants and Dominicans are subject to expulsion at any time. On top of the de facto segregation that denied access to these national and immigrant populations' ability to schools, work, housing or medical care, there is now an added legal segregation, i.e., the threat of expulsion from one's own land.
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - WHO ARE these people who don't deserve to live in the Dominican Republic or to be citizens of the country? Primarily they are the children of a wave of Haitian immigration that began arriving a century ago to work on the large sugar cane plantations and later in the agricultural and construction sectors.
For decades, the employers--along with the state and more recently the private sector--have regulated these migrations, assigning them a "transitory" status that preserved precarious work conditions and the denial of social services to these migrants.
To carry out such a policy of marginalization without being suspected of discrimination, the Tribunal justices hid behind the letter of the law. The issue is, however, an eminently political one since the law is openly directed at a population identified by its ethnic origin. Like other measures that bring to mind the worst moments of our contemporary history, this one is based on the ideals and interests of a ruling class that has not stopped agitating about the supposed threat from Haitians to the "Dominican national character."
The rise to power of the Party of Dominican Liberation [the current, neoliberal ruling party] and its decision to ally itself with a notably anti-Haitian conservative party and with the economic elites who are beholden to the sugar industry, has brought back politics that were considered taboo.
These ideas come from the period of independence (1844), won from the occupying Haitians, and not from the Spanish empire like the majority of the Latin American republics. Since this time, the leaders of the extreme right of the country have frequently used the Haitian question to construct a nationalist narrative based on crude opposites: Spanish/creole, Catholicism/voodoo, or the most polarizing of all, that of the blacks (Haitians) and Dominicans regardless of their racial mix.
Using these criteria to define legal and social inclusion in the nation is one way of imposing the hegemony of a political minority and making every person who doesn't fit its norms disappear from the national picture. This discourse of "national interest" fronts for a reappearing state racism that is legitimizing the social and physical exclusion of a majority black population relegated to the lowest strata in labor forces (for example, day laborers and manual laborers).
It's not by chance that those that are targeted for attacks on their social rights (working conditions, salary, education, health) are suddenly proclaimed illegitimate in the country. In creating social tensions seeking to differentiate "them" from "us," this institutional violence is one way of concealing the rollback of social rights for all Dominicans.
Despite multiple mobilizations against these measures, the condemnations of human rights violations from governments and the international press, the Dominican state has affirmed that its decision is irrevocable.
State racism hiding behind the letter of the law has just erased the history of a people: that of a black, immigrant working class and its Dominican children. This is a political issue that can only be resolved in the political arena. When human dignity is at stake, neither the laws nor the institutions are inviolable.
Translation by Hannah Fleury. First published in Spanish in 80 grados, an online political and cultural affairs magazine based in Puerto Rico.
https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=1089893036601291753#editor/target=post;postID=690847743688340200
Opinion: Five years after the American Red Cross efforts to rebuild Haiti
Summer investigation raises doubts about post-earthquake relief
By Claire Lazar
OPINION EDITOR
August 6, 2015
Following the January 2010 earthquake that killed over 200,000 Haitians and left more than a million homeless, donations flooded in from governments, financial institutions, and individuals around the world. U.S. households donated a total of more than $1.4 billion, and the American Red Cross raised the most of any charity for the cause: nearly half a billion dollars in the span of a single year.
The aid was intended to do more than just address emergencies. The American Red Cross, well known for its work in disaster relief, came with a big agenda and the good intention to help rebuild Haiti, the poorest country in the western hemisphere. In a January 2011 luncheon in Washington, the organization’s CEO Gail McGovern said that a fifth of the funds raised would “provide tens of thousands of people with permanent homes...where we develop brand-new communities...including water and sanitation.”
Indeed, the American Red Cross was right about the needs of the Haitian people. As an August 2011 Rolling Stone article by Janet Reitman pointed out, “The earthquake didn’t so much destroy Haitian society as it exposed how deeply broken that society already was. In 35 seconds, the quake leveled government ministries and the National Palace, killed an estimated 20 percent of the country’s civil servants, and severely damaged 50 of the nation’s hospitals.” It appears that there was some consensus in the development community that relief in Haiti should have been carried out from the roots, in agreement with the American Red Cross’s ambitious plans. As the Rolling Stone article explained, “American and international officials gave their plan for Haiti a simple and compelling name: Building Back Better.”
But it appears that many of the great intentions that went into rebuilding Haiti have not been seen through. The signs were present as early as August 2011, when Reitman’s article reported that Haiti’s capital Port-au-Prince was still buried under 8 million cubic meters of rubble, 680,000 Haitians still lived in temporary camps, and cholera — having spread through poor sanitation and contaminated water — emerged for the first time in the country in decades and infected more than 250,000 people.
Yet in January 2015, five years after the earthquake, the American Red Cross released an update that seemed to paint a promising picture. The document stated that the organization had spent or made commitments to spend all $488 million of donations. “Because of your generosity, people have reopened or launched new businesses and have rebuilt their homes; rubble that used to stretch as far as the eye could see has been removed.” It listed achievements such as 4.2 million people “benefiting from hygiene promotion activities” and 867,000 “benefiting from community health services.”
But a joint investigation by NPR’s Laura Sullivan and ProPublica’s Justin Elliott this June challenged the American Red Cross’s progress in Haiti. It revealed that “the charity built six permanent homes and, according to their own account, no new communities.” Further, it points out that while the organization boasts that it has reached 132,000 Haitians through its housing projects, that number counts people who attended seminars on “proper construction techniques,” received temporary rental assistance, and were housed in temporary shelters that begin to disintegrate within three to five years. In their investigation, Sullivan and Elliott narrowed in on a development project in the neighborhood of Campeche in Haiti’s capital. The multimillion-dollar plan was to feature hundreds of permanent homes, none of which ended up being built. They reported that many residents continue to live without electricity, basic sanitation, or access to drinkable water. According to the investigation, a former official who worked on the project said, “Everything takes four times as long because it would be micromanaged from DC, and they had no development experience.”
Following the release of the joint investigation, NPR correspondent Sullivan wrote, “Without question, it is extremely difficult to build anything in Haiti...But still, in the years since, other charities have managed to do it. Other NGOs have built more than 9,000 permanent homes so far.”
Aside from housing, the investigation by NPR and ProPublica reveals problems in other fronts of the American Red Cross’s efforts in Haiti. For instance, the cholera epidemic prompted the organization to plan the distribution of soap and oral rehydration salts. But the director of the Haiti program wrote in a May 2011 memo that the implementation was hindered by “internal issues that go unaddressed,” and by September, after the death toll passed 6,000, still an internal document listed the project as “very behind schedule.”
All in all, NPR and ProPublica’s investigation argues that “Confidential memos, emails from worried top officers, and accounts of a dozen frustrated and disappointed insiders show the charity has broken promises, squandered donations, and made dubious claims of success.”
Throughout the past two months, Sullivan and Elliott’s work prompted press releases from the American Red Cross, at least one news conference, and calls to action by public officials. Representative Rick Nolan (D-MN) called for a congressional hearing to look into the organization’s alleged mismanagement of funds, and Senator Chuck Grassley (R-IA) publicly sent the organization a list of 17 detailed and hard-hitting questions. The American Red Cross has since answered them, continuing its pattern to defend its impact in Haiti and oppose allegations.
Throughout the unfolding of events, NPR’s Sullivan and ProPublica’s Elliott have continued reporting. According to Sullivan, Senator Grassley was dissatisfied with some of the American Red Cross’s responses, such as to one question that tried to gauge how much overhead was taken by subcontracted organizations that received third-party funding. The American Red Cross wrote, “Please note that our contracts with the great majority of our partners, while permitting us to disclose this information to Congress, do not permit us to disclose the information to the media or donors.” Yet don’t donors have the greatest stake in understanding the impacts of their dollars, since they selflessly drew pieces of their paychecks that could have been used on themselves, their children, or any other cause that mattered to them?
Unfortunately, hundreds of millions of dollars into the American Red Cross’s Haiti relief efforts, it seems that detailed information may not even be internally available. NPR and ProPublica obtained some of the American Red Cross’s assessments of its own health and water projects, which “found the charity failed in many cases to monitor its own spending, oversee its projects and even know whether the projects were successful. The documents also cast doubt on the accuracy of some of the Red Cross’ public claims of success.” One report looked at the $10 million that the charity gave to other nonprofits to fight cholera. According to Sullivan and Elliott, it found that the organization “did not evaluate any of the work by these other nonprofits, did not seem to know if any of the objectives had been achieved and wasn’t aware that one of the nonprofits mismanaged its funds.”
The ongoing investigation into the American Red Cross’s aid in Haiti does not just raise accountability issues. It also raises accounting issues. While understandably not every miniscule financial detail can be made public, still donors deserve clarity about the projects that their contributions funded. The current exchanges between the American Red Cross, media, and politicians reveal first of all that information is in demand.
In nonprofit institutions in general, such demand should be met. Unlike a for-profit business, where the exchange between customers and providers is direct and reciprocal, a nonprofit takes a payment from one person and provides products or services to another. When donors lack access to financial information about the impacts of their donations, they may be left uninspired — lacking even the satisfaction of knowing that their efforts made a difference. And worse, if the channel that connects them to people in need appears broken, they may lose trust and limit future charitable gestures. The humanitarian values that are meaningful to the donors, such as generosity and empathy, then go unfulfilled. In that way, both ends of the channel end up hurt.
Trust, which is necessary to maintain the flow of charity, is founded in transparency and realized promises. In the case of the American Red Cross, it remains to be seen exactly to what extent the organization succeeded or failed in delivering its promises to both donors and the people of Haiti. While there is little doubt about the good intentions and impressive fundraising efforts of the people in the organization, the investigation by NPR and ProPublica does raise doubt that the projects in Haiti fulfilled their original plans and aspirations. We shouldn’t overlook that tragic possibility, especially when relief in critical times and places can impact not only quality of life but sometimes also health and survival.
http://tech.mit.edu/V135/N18/haiti.html
By Claire Lazar
OPINION EDITOR
August 6, 2015
Following the January 2010 earthquake that killed over 200,000 Haitians and left more than a million homeless, donations flooded in from governments, financial institutions, and individuals around the world. U.S. households donated a total of more than $1.4 billion, and the American Red Cross raised the most of any charity for the cause: nearly half a billion dollars in the span of a single year.
The aid was intended to do more than just address emergencies. The American Red Cross, well known for its work in disaster relief, came with a big agenda and the good intention to help rebuild Haiti, the poorest country in the western hemisphere. In a January 2011 luncheon in Washington, the organization’s CEO Gail McGovern said that a fifth of the funds raised would “provide tens of thousands of people with permanent homes...where we develop brand-new communities...including water and sanitation.”
Indeed, the American Red Cross was right about the needs of the Haitian people. As an August 2011 Rolling Stone article by Janet Reitman pointed out, “The earthquake didn’t so much destroy Haitian society as it exposed how deeply broken that society already was. In 35 seconds, the quake leveled government ministries and the National Palace, killed an estimated 20 percent of the country’s civil servants, and severely damaged 50 of the nation’s hospitals.” It appears that there was some consensus in the development community that relief in Haiti should have been carried out from the roots, in agreement with the American Red Cross’s ambitious plans. As the Rolling Stone article explained, “American and international officials gave their plan for Haiti a simple and compelling name: Building Back Better.”
But it appears that many of the great intentions that went into rebuilding Haiti have not been seen through. The signs were present as early as August 2011, when Reitman’s article reported that Haiti’s capital Port-au-Prince was still buried under 8 million cubic meters of rubble, 680,000 Haitians still lived in temporary camps, and cholera — having spread through poor sanitation and contaminated water — emerged for the first time in the country in decades and infected more than 250,000 people.
Yet in January 2015, five years after the earthquake, the American Red Cross released an update that seemed to paint a promising picture. The document stated that the organization had spent or made commitments to spend all $488 million of donations. “Because of your generosity, people have reopened or launched new businesses and have rebuilt their homes; rubble that used to stretch as far as the eye could see has been removed.” It listed achievements such as 4.2 million people “benefiting from hygiene promotion activities” and 867,000 “benefiting from community health services.”
But a joint investigation by NPR’s Laura Sullivan and ProPublica’s Justin Elliott this June challenged the American Red Cross’s progress in Haiti. It revealed that “the charity built six permanent homes and, according to their own account, no new communities.” Further, it points out that while the organization boasts that it has reached 132,000 Haitians through its housing projects, that number counts people who attended seminars on “proper construction techniques,” received temporary rental assistance, and were housed in temporary shelters that begin to disintegrate within three to five years. In their investigation, Sullivan and Elliott narrowed in on a development project in the neighborhood of Campeche in Haiti’s capital. The multimillion-dollar plan was to feature hundreds of permanent homes, none of which ended up being built. They reported that many residents continue to live without electricity, basic sanitation, or access to drinkable water. According to the investigation, a former official who worked on the project said, “Everything takes four times as long because it would be micromanaged from DC, and they had no development experience.”
Following the release of the joint investigation, NPR correspondent Sullivan wrote, “Without question, it is extremely difficult to build anything in Haiti...But still, in the years since, other charities have managed to do it. Other NGOs have built more than 9,000 permanent homes so far.”
Aside from housing, the investigation by NPR and ProPublica reveals problems in other fronts of the American Red Cross’s efforts in Haiti. For instance, the cholera epidemic prompted the organization to plan the distribution of soap and oral rehydration salts. But the director of the Haiti program wrote in a May 2011 memo that the implementation was hindered by “internal issues that go unaddressed,” and by September, after the death toll passed 6,000, still an internal document listed the project as “very behind schedule.”
All in all, NPR and ProPublica’s investigation argues that “Confidential memos, emails from worried top officers, and accounts of a dozen frustrated and disappointed insiders show the charity has broken promises, squandered donations, and made dubious claims of success.”
Throughout the past two months, Sullivan and Elliott’s work prompted press releases from the American Red Cross, at least one news conference, and calls to action by public officials. Representative Rick Nolan (D-MN) called for a congressional hearing to look into the organization’s alleged mismanagement of funds, and Senator Chuck Grassley (R-IA) publicly sent the organization a list of 17 detailed and hard-hitting questions. The American Red Cross has since answered them, continuing its pattern to defend its impact in Haiti and oppose allegations.
Throughout the unfolding of events, NPR’s Sullivan and ProPublica’s Elliott have continued reporting. According to Sullivan, Senator Grassley was dissatisfied with some of the American Red Cross’s responses, such as to one question that tried to gauge how much overhead was taken by subcontracted organizations that received third-party funding. The American Red Cross wrote, “Please note that our contracts with the great majority of our partners, while permitting us to disclose this information to Congress, do not permit us to disclose the information to the media or donors.” Yet don’t donors have the greatest stake in understanding the impacts of their dollars, since they selflessly drew pieces of their paychecks that could have been used on themselves, their children, or any other cause that mattered to them?
Unfortunately, hundreds of millions of dollars into the American Red Cross’s Haiti relief efforts, it seems that detailed information may not even be internally available. NPR and ProPublica obtained some of the American Red Cross’s assessments of its own health and water projects, which “found the charity failed in many cases to monitor its own spending, oversee its projects and even know whether the projects were successful. The documents also cast doubt on the accuracy of some of the Red Cross’ public claims of success.” One report looked at the $10 million that the charity gave to other nonprofits to fight cholera. According to Sullivan and Elliott, it found that the organization “did not evaluate any of the work by these other nonprofits, did not seem to know if any of the objectives had been achieved and wasn’t aware that one of the nonprofits mismanaged its funds.”
The ongoing investigation into the American Red Cross’s aid in Haiti does not just raise accountability issues. It also raises accounting issues. While understandably not every miniscule financial detail can be made public, still donors deserve clarity about the projects that their contributions funded. The current exchanges between the American Red Cross, media, and politicians reveal first of all that information is in demand.
In nonprofit institutions in general, such demand should be met. Unlike a for-profit business, where the exchange between customers and providers is direct and reciprocal, a nonprofit takes a payment from one person and provides products or services to another. When donors lack access to financial information about the impacts of their donations, they may be left uninspired — lacking even the satisfaction of knowing that their efforts made a difference. And worse, if the channel that connects them to people in need appears broken, they may lose trust and limit future charitable gestures. The humanitarian values that are meaningful to the donors, such as generosity and empathy, then go unfulfilled. In that way, both ends of the channel end up hurt.
Trust, which is necessary to maintain the flow of charity, is founded in transparency and realized promises. In the case of the American Red Cross, it remains to be seen exactly to what extent the organization succeeded or failed in delivering its promises to both donors and the people of Haiti. While there is little doubt about the good intentions and impressive fundraising efforts of the people in the organization, the investigation by NPR and ProPublica does raise doubt that the projects in Haiti fulfilled their original plans and aspirations. We shouldn’t overlook that tragic possibility, especially when relief in critical times and places can impact not only quality of life but sometimes also health and survival.
http://tech.mit.edu/V135/N18/haiti.html
Haiti heads toward election day, despite indifference
Agence France-Presse on Aug 6, 2015 @ 3:35 AM
After a nearly four years of delays, legislative elections will take place Sunday in Haiti, but voters hardly seem to care.
Portraits of candidates and posters in their parties' colors have finally invaded the public space. But, in front of an electrical pole plastered with photos of various candidates for Haiti's Senate and Chamber of Deputies, Luckson is completely indifferent.
"Him I know, but he won't do anything for me. Her, I've never seen her face before," the shoeshiner says while surveying the posters that now adorn his corner.
For a brief moment, the nearby vendors and their clients discuss the candidates and argue about the backgrounds of these would-be parliamentarians. They all agree on one point: they will not vote Sunday "because there's no point."
In a country where politics is seen as rotten with cronyism and corruption, the great majority of these impoverished citizens do not believe their vote has any power.
In the last vote, the second round of the 2011 presidential elections, less than a quarter of Haitians voted.
This time, when every seat in the legislature will be voted on, participation is forecast to be around only 15 percent of the public.
The international community, which has offered financial and logistical support for the elections, is worried that indifference could threaten the success of the process.
On Tuesday, Sandra Honore, head of the UN mission to Haiti, urged Haitians to get themselves to the polls.
"Your participation in large numbers and your decision to say good-bye to violence in any form -- this is the chance for you to show once and for all that you choose peace and democracy," she said in Creole in an online video message.
When it kicked off in March, the election process was met by an avalanche of candidates: more than 1,800 competing for 129 vacant parliamentary posts.
Several days away from voting, that enthusiasm is now absent.
- 'We have nothing' -
"The intensity of the campaign is rather weak," said José Antonio de Gabriel, deputy director of the European Union's election observation mission.
"We don't see a strong mobilization effort by the candidates or parties."
The length of the electoral process could help explain this. Sunday is only the first of three polling days before the end of the year. Between now and then, Haiti will elect nearly all of its political personnel: deputies, senators, mayors, local officials and even the president. "Haitians have a long electoral process ahead, with three polls, which isn't always easy on the finances of the parties," de Gabriel said. But beyond the posters on the walls, many parties have little else to offer voters.
"In Haiti, legislative elections have a strong local component. It would be good for the candidates to propose platforms and to support a debate of ideas. For now, we see little of that," de Gabriel said. Luckson, who works six days a week to earn just enough to feed his family, laughs at the idea of voting based on candidates' policies.
"That's something for foreigners! Candidates always promise so much, but in the end, we're poor, we have nothing. Only their families and their friends benefit." amb/mbe/dc
Copyright2015 Agence France-Presse>BR>http://www.globalpost.com/article/6626982/2015/08/05/haiti-heads-toward-election-day-despite-indifference
After a nearly four years of delays, legislative elections will take place Sunday in Haiti, but voters hardly seem to care.
Portraits of candidates and posters in their parties' colors have finally invaded the public space. But, in front of an electrical pole plastered with photos of various candidates for Haiti's Senate and Chamber of Deputies, Luckson is completely indifferent.
"Him I know, but he won't do anything for me. Her, I've never seen her face before," the shoeshiner says while surveying the posters that now adorn his corner.
For a brief moment, the nearby vendors and their clients discuss the candidates and argue about the backgrounds of these would-be parliamentarians. They all agree on one point: they will not vote Sunday "because there's no point."
In a country where politics is seen as rotten with cronyism and corruption, the great majority of these impoverished citizens do not believe their vote has any power.
In the last vote, the second round of the 2011 presidential elections, less than a quarter of Haitians voted.
This time, when every seat in the legislature will be voted on, participation is forecast to be around only 15 percent of the public.
The international community, which has offered financial and logistical support for the elections, is worried that indifference could threaten the success of the process.
On Tuesday, Sandra Honore, head of the UN mission to Haiti, urged Haitians to get themselves to the polls.
"Your participation in large numbers and your decision to say good-bye to violence in any form -- this is the chance for you to show once and for all that you choose peace and democracy," she said in Creole in an online video message.
When it kicked off in March, the election process was met by an avalanche of candidates: more than 1,800 competing for 129 vacant parliamentary posts.
Several days away from voting, that enthusiasm is now absent.
- 'We have nothing' -
"The intensity of the campaign is rather weak," said José Antonio de Gabriel, deputy director of the European Union's election observation mission.
"We don't see a strong mobilization effort by the candidates or parties."
The length of the electoral process could help explain this. Sunday is only the first of three polling days before the end of the year. Between now and then, Haiti will elect nearly all of its political personnel: deputies, senators, mayors, local officials and even the president. "Haitians have a long electoral process ahead, with three polls, which isn't always easy on the finances of the parties," de Gabriel said. But beyond the posters on the walls, many parties have little else to offer voters.
"In Haiti, legislative elections have a strong local component. It would be good for the candidates to propose platforms and to support a debate of ideas. For now, we see little of that," de Gabriel said. Luckson, who works six days a week to earn just enough to feed his family, laughs at the idea of voting based on candidates' policies.
"That's something for foreigners! Candidates always promise so much, but in the end, we're poor, we have nothing. Only their families and their friends benefit." amb/mbe/dc
Copyright2015 Agence France-Presse>BR>http://www.globalpost.com/article/6626982/2015/08/05/haiti-heads-toward-election-day-despite-indifference
Dominican Republic asks Haiti, UN´s help to recover assault rifles
Santo Domingo. The Army (ERD) said the Dominican Republic on Wednesday) asked Haiti´s police and the UN peacekeepers´ (MINUSTAH) help in finding in that nation the assailants stole two rifles yesterday from military post at El Dique, Pedernales.
Army spokesman Col. Puro de la Cruz said he´s confident the two weapons, M15 rifles, will be recovered. He said troops search the area to catch the seven men who assault the barracks.
He said direct contact has been made with the MINUSTAH and Haiti´s police chief, "the who have shown great receptivity."
He also announced the arrest of the enlistees Mauricio Ramirez Matos, Gregorio Jose and Emil Mateo Acosta, who were on duty when the group attacked the post.
http://www.dominicantoday.com/dr/local/2015/8/5/55994/Dominican-Republic-asks-Haiti-UNs-help-to-recover-assault-rifles
Army spokesman Col. Puro de la Cruz said he´s confident the two weapons, M15 rifles, will be recovered. He said troops search the area to catch the seven men who assault the barracks.
He said direct contact has been made with the MINUSTAH and Haiti´s police chief, "the who have shown great receptivity."
He also announced the arrest of the enlistees Mauricio Ramirez Matos, Gregorio Jose and Emil Mateo Acosta, who were on duty when the group attacked the post.
http://www.dominicantoday.com/dr/local/2015/8/5/55994/Dominican-Republic-asks-Haiti-UNs-help-to-recover-assault-rifles
Returning Haitians stuck in dire camps near Dominican border
By Peter Granitz
ANSE-A-PITRE, Haiti (Reuters) - Tens of thousands of Haitians and Haitian-Dominicans have fled the Dominican Republic in response to its strict new immigration policy with many settling in squalid camps in Haiti. Haitian officials estimate the population at four camps in the south of Haiti is at least 2,000 and growing.
About 400 have settled at the Tete-à-l'eau camp, perched on a hill that slants down to a dry river bed. It was once the site of a larger village washed out in floods decades ago, but now it suffers from a drought.
Women wash clothes and children fill small buckets of water alongside donkeys drinking from a spring about 1 km from the camp. Without a well or tap in Tete-à-l'eau, camp-dwellers use this water for everything.
Haiti and the more prosperous Dominican Republic share the Caribbean island of Hispaniola. With Dominicans increasingly intolerant of a growing Haitian population - estimated as high as 1 million - on their side of the border, a 2013 Dominican court ruling stripped Dominican citizenship from children born to undocumented immigrants.
To implement the court ruling and in response to an international outcry, the Dominican Congress passed a law allowing some migrants to apply for residency before a June 17 deadline, and the government said last week that 239,000 people who started the process can stay for up to two years.
The government says it has not begun deportations but that tens of thousands of Haitians left voluntarily.
The Haitians here say they either cut their losses and left with their belongings or been intimidated into leaving.
"I lived over there for 22 years," said Jean Louis Andres, motioning his sinewy arm across the rocky river bed at Tete-à-l'eau, near the border town of Anse-à-Pitre. Across the gulch was the Dominican Republic. "They don't want me there. I know that."
A rail-thin farmer who grew beans, corn and bananas in the Dominican Republic, he says he began the process of applying for residency but returned to Haiti three months ago after Dominicans in his adopted village harassed him into leaving.
Without homes to return to, many settled in the camps here and depend on food and supplies from aid and church groups. Haitian President Michel Martelly has called their plight a humanitarian crisis.
Frantz Pierre Louis, the general secretary of Haiti's Southeast Department where there are four camps, says officials will try to resettle the camp residents to their home villages of nearby cities.
Government agencies are surveying people and determining where in Haiti they are originally from.
Prime Minister Evans Paul and Sofia Martelly, the president's wife, have both visited the camps but the government has been unable to provide much help.
CAMPS SPREAD, FUTURE UNCLEAR
Some say they were deceived into leaving, including through false media reports.
"On the radio they told us President Martelly asked all Haitians to come back," recounts Eliza Joseph, a woman who returned to Haiti last month.
She now lives in Parc Cadeau, a settlement with more than 500 shelters built with branches, cardboard and other discarded materials. "I worked my whole life over there. I don't know where I'm from in Haiti."
Joseph's daughter Talid Michel delivered a son inside a tent three weeks ago. "We called for the doctor, but he didn't get here in time, so my mother helped," Michel said.
In an already arid zone made worse by drought, new residents at Parc Cadeau have burnt shrubs and cut cactus to make room for the growing population.
Camps like Cadeau are growing by the day with returnees and, despite the squalid conditions, impoverished Haitians from nearby cities are beginning to show up too in search of food and supplies.
"They're in need. They're in need also," said Pierre Louis. "So they're trying to get what's coming to the others."
A few miles east of Malpasse, the closest border crossing to Port-au-Prince, 72 people are living in a three-room school or in tents behind it.
"I left Haiti when I was seven. All my children were born there," said Saint Corl Souverain, 35, speaking in a mix of Spanish and Creole.
He said he was recently arrested by Dominican authorities and that when he was released and returned home, all his possessions were gone so he left the country with his pregnant wife and three children and has settled for now at the school.
(Reporting by Peter Granitz; Editing by Daniel Trotta and Kieran Murray)
http://news.yahoo.com/returning-haitians-stuck-dire-camps-near-dominican-border-233501930.html
ANSE-A-PITRE, Haiti (Reuters) - Tens of thousands of Haitians and Haitian-Dominicans have fled the Dominican Republic in response to its strict new immigration policy with many settling in squalid camps in Haiti. Haitian officials estimate the population at four camps in the south of Haiti is at least 2,000 and growing.
About 400 have settled at the Tete-à-l'eau camp, perched on a hill that slants down to a dry river bed. It was once the site of a larger village washed out in floods decades ago, but now it suffers from a drought.
Women wash clothes and children fill small buckets of water alongside donkeys drinking from a spring about 1 km from the camp. Without a well or tap in Tete-à-l'eau, camp-dwellers use this water for everything.
Haiti and the more prosperous Dominican Republic share the Caribbean island of Hispaniola. With Dominicans increasingly intolerant of a growing Haitian population - estimated as high as 1 million - on their side of the border, a 2013 Dominican court ruling stripped Dominican citizenship from children born to undocumented immigrants.
To implement the court ruling and in response to an international outcry, the Dominican Congress passed a law allowing some migrants to apply for residency before a June 17 deadline, and the government said last week that 239,000 people who started the process can stay for up to two years.
The government says it has not begun deportations but that tens of thousands of Haitians left voluntarily.
The Haitians here say they either cut their losses and left with their belongings or been intimidated into leaving.
"I lived over there for 22 years," said Jean Louis Andres, motioning his sinewy arm across the rocky river bed at Tete-à-l'eau, near the border town of Anse-à-Pitre. Across the gulch was the Dominican Republic. "They don't want me there. I know that."
A rail-thin farmer who grew beans, corn and bananas in the Dominican Republic, he says he began the process of applying for residency but returned to Haiti three months ago after Dominicans in his adopted village harassed him into leaving.
Without homes to return to, many settled in the camps here and depend on food and supplies from aid and church groups. Haitian President Michel Martelly has called their plight a humanitarian crisis.
Frantz Pierre Louis, the general secretary of Haiti's Southeast Department where there are four camps, says officials will try to resettle the camp residents to their home villages of nearby cities.
Government agencies are surveying people and determining where in Haiti they are originally from.
Prime Minister Evans Paul and Sofia Martelly, the president's wife, have both visited the camps but the government has been unable to provide much help.
CAMPS SPREAD, FUTURE UNCLEAR
Some say they were deceived into leaving, including through false media reports.
"On the radio they told us President Martelly asked all Haitians to come back," recounts Eliza Joseph, a woman who returned to Haiti last month.
She now lives in Parc Cadeau, a settlement with more than 500 shelters built with branches, cardboard and other discarded materials. "I worked my whole life over there. I don't know where I'm from in Haiti."
Joseph's daughter Talid Michel delivered a son inside a tent three weeks ago. "We called for the doctor, but he didn't get here in time, so my mother helped," Michel said.
In an already arid zone made worse by drought, new residents at Parc Cadeau have burnt shrubs and cut cactus to make room for the growing population.
Camps like Cadeau are growing by the day with returnees and, despite the squalid conditions, impoverished Haitians from nearby cities are beginning to show up too in search of food and supplies.
"They're in need. They're in need also," said Pierre Louis. "So they're trying to get what's coming to the others."
A few miles east of Malpasse, the closest border crossing to Port-au-Prince, 72 people are living in a three-room school or in tents behind it.
"I left Haiti when I was seven. All my children were born there," said Saint Corl Souverain, 35, speaking in a mix of Spanish and Creole.
He said he was recently arrested by Dominican authorities and that when he was released and returned home, all his possessions were gone so he left the country with his pregnant wife and three children and has settled for now at the school.
(Reporting by Peter Granitz; Editing by Daniel Trotta and Kieran Murray)
http://news.yahoo.com/returning-haitians-stuck-dire-camps-near-dominican-border-233501930.html
UFC Fight Night 73: OSP, Haitian Sensation?
This Saturday, UFC Fight Night 73 will be in Nashville, Tennessee. The headliner will be Ovince St. Preux (18-6) vs. Glover Texieira (22-4). St. Preux is a former Stikeforce competitor who came over to the UFC after Zuffa, LLC purchased Strikeforce in 2011. St. Preux has competed professionally since 2008. He ranks #6 in the light heavyweight division.
St. Preux competed in wrestling for Immokalee High School in Immokalee, Florida and compiled a 26-1 record, finishing second in his weight class at the 1A level. He played football at the University of Tennessee from 2001-04. After he earned his bachelor’s in sociology, he began to train in kickboxing and improving his grappling techniques.
His professional career began with two losses, he rebounded with three first round finishes, including a calf slicer submission victory against Ombey Mobley in 2009. After two second round defeats in 2009, he went on a tear and won eight in a row, until he lost to former Strikeforce Light Heavyweight Champion Gegard Mousasi. He started his career in the UFC in 2013 and defeated six out of seven opponents. His only loss was to Ryan “Darth” Bader last year at UFN 47. Since his loss to Bader, he has rebounded with two knockouts, including a :34 second knockout of former UFC Light Heavyweight Mauricio “Shogun” Rua.
Texieira, ranked #4 in the division, is a second-degree black belt in Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu that has trained with John Hackleman of The Pit. Hackleman also trained UFC Hall of Famer Chuck “The Iceman” Liddell. He lost his last two fights by unanimous decision to former UFC Light Heavyweight Champion Jon “Bones” Jones and “Mr. Wonderful” Phil Davis, who recently signed with Bellator.
Texieira has quick hands and lands 4.15 strikes a minute and is an excellent grappler. St. Preux needs to come out aggressive and uses openings to land. OSP is a good striker with knockout capabilities and will have a four-inch reach advantage. He also displays excellent takedown defense at 66% and has a strong wrestling pedigree in his fight game. The advantage on the feet will be on Texieira’s side, but St. Preux against the cage demonstrates a cool, patient demeanor which minimizes his mistakes.
The tricky element is if the fight goes to the ground, both guys have an arsenal of submissions. OSP’s wrestling is superior to Texieira so if he can control position and strike more on the ground, he will score with the judges. Another factor is cardio, Texieira lasted five rounds with “Bones” and OSP has never been into the championship rounds so if cardio plays a role, Texieira will have the advantage.
This is a close fight to call, but a win by Texieira may give him an opportunity to fight for the title so a victory is very important. A win by OSP could pose an opportunity to fight the winner of Bader-Evans or the loser of Cormier-Gustafsson title fight coming up at UFC 192. The wild card will be Jimi Manuwa, who fights Anthony Johnson at UFC 191 next month.
I will give the edge to Texieira because of his striking, cardio, and grappling arsenal. OSP could pull off the upset, if he uses his wrestling to control the action.
St. Preux competed in wrestling for Immokalee High School in Immokalee, Florida and compiled a 26-1 record, finishing second in his weight class at the 1A level. He played football at the University of Tennessee from 2001-04. After he earned his bachelor’s in sociology, he began to train in kickboxing and improving his grappling techniques.
His professional career began with two losses, he rebounded with three first round finishes, including a calf slicer submission victory against Ombey Mobley in 2009. After two second round defeats in 2009, he went on a tear and won eight in a row, until he lost to former Strikeforce Light Heavyweight Champion Gegard Mousasi. He started his career in the UFC in 2013 and defeated six out of seven opponents. His only loss was to Ryan “Darth” Bader last year at UFN 47. Since his loss to Bader, he has rebounded with two knockouts, including a :34 second knockout of former UFC Light Heavyweight Mauricio “Shogun” Rua.
Texieira, ranked #4 in the division, is a second-degree black belt in Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu that has trained with John Hackleman of The Pit. Hackleman also trained UFC Hall of Famer Chuck “The Iceman” Liddell. He lost his last two fights by unanimous decision to former UFC Light Heavyweight Champion Jon “Bones” Jones and “Mr. Wonderful” Phil Davis, who recently signed with Bellator.
Texieira has quick hands and lands 4.15 strikes a minute and is an excellent grappler. St. Preux needs to come out aggressive and uses openings to land. OSP is a good striker with knockout capabilities and will have a four-inch reach advantage. He also displays excellent takedown defense at 66% and has a strong wrestling pedigree in his fight game. The advantage on the feet will be on Texieira’s side, but St. Preux against the cage demonstrates a cool, patient demeanor which minimizes his mistakes.
The tricky element is if the fight goes to the ground, both guys have an arsenal of submissions. OSP’s wrestling is superior to Texieira so if he can control position and strike more on the ground, he will score with the judges. Another factor is cardio, Texieira lasted five rounds with “Bones” and OSP has never been into the championship rounds so if cardio plays a role, Texieira will have the advantage.
This is a close fight to call, but a win by Texieira may give him an opportunity to fight for the title so a victory is very important. A win by OSP could pose an opportunity to fight the winner of Bader-Evans or the loser of Cormier-Gustafsson title fight coming up at UFC 192. The wild card will be Jimi Manuwa, who fights Anthony Johnson at UFC 191 next month.
I will give the edge to Texieira because of his striking, cardio, and grappling arsenal. OSP could pull off the upset, if he uses his wrestling to control the action.
Officials exit Haiti gov't over president's sexist remarks to woman
PORT-AU-PRINCE, Haiti – Hostile comments made by Haitian President Michel Martelly at a campaign rally has set off an uproar in his coalition government, leading a politically allied party to announce the resignation of three officials from his administration Wednesday.
The leader of the Fusion Social Democrats told reporters that two Cabinet ministers and a secretary of state will leave Martelly’s government due to the president’s comments to a woman in the port city of Miragoane.
“This is inappropriate. Enough is enough,” Edmonde Supplice Beauzile said at a news conference announcing his party’s vote to remove its three officials, which include the minister of women’s affairs.
Martelly was at a rally July 29 when a woman accused his government of incompetence and complained that it failed to bring electricity to her community. Video broadcast by Haitian media show the president dismissing her with coarse, sexist language, telling her in Haitian Creole to “go get a man and go in the bushes” to have sex. Many in the crowd at the nighttime rally erupted in cheers and laughs at his remarks.
A presidential spokesman did not respond to a request for comment Wednesday.
Loss of the three officials from a core part of the coalition is unlikely to affect the outgoing president’s ability to govern. Martelly, who took office in May 2011, is in the final year of a five-year term. He has been governing without a legislature since January because the terms of lawmakers expired before new elections could be held.
Legislative elections are scheduled for Sunday. The first round of the presidential election is Oct. 25, and Martelly cannot run for a consecutive term
Before entering politics, Martelly was a brash performer of compas, Haiti’s high-energy version of merengue music. As the self-proclaimed “bad boy of compas,” he was known for years for crude onstage antics that included cursing rivals and mooning the audience.
http://www.ocregister.com/articles/martelly-676093-president-officials.html
The leader of the Fusion Social Democrats told reporters that two Cabinet ministers and a secretary of state will leave Martelly’s government due to the president’s comments to a woman in the port city of Miragoane.
“This is inappropriate. Enough is enough,” Edmonde Supplice Beauzile said at a news conference announcing his party’s vote to remove its three officials, which include the minister of women’s affairs.
Martelly was at a rally July 29 when a woman accused his government of incompetence and complained that it failed to bring electricity to her community. Video broadcast by Haitian media show the president dismissing her with coarse, sexist language, telling her in Haitian Creole to “go get a man and go in the bushes” to have sex. Many in the crowd at the nighttime rally erupted in cheers and laughs at his remarks.
A presidential spokesman did not respond to a request for comment Wednesday.
Loss of the three officials from a core part of the coalition is unlikely to affect the outgoing president’s ability to govern. Martelly, who took office in May 2011, is in the final year of a five-year term. He has been governing without a legislature since January because the terms of lawmakers expired before new elections could be held.
Legislative elections are scheduled for Sunday. The first round of the presidential election is Oct. 25, and Martelly cannot run for a consecutive term
Before entering politics, Martelly was a brash performer of compas, Haiti’s high-energy version of merengue music. As the self-proclaimed “bad boy of compas,” he was known for years for crude onstage antics that included cursing rivals and mooning the audience.
http://www.ocregister.com/articles/martelly-676093-president-officials.html
State senator renews effort to get answers on funds meant for Haiti recovery
ATLANTA — A state senator is renewing his call to boycott the American Red Cross.
The relief agency has been under fire from local elected leaders and community activists for building just six houses in earthquake-ravaged Haiti after raising almost $500 million, according to a report by nonprofits NPR and ProPublica.
Channel 2’s Lori Geary talked to a Red Cross spokesman Wednesday who says the agency has helped millions of Haitians.
The agency's critics say the organization has created a man-made disaster.
State Sen. Vincent Fort says he's not satisfied with information the Red Cross is putting out when it comes to the almost $500 million raised for Haitians devastated by the 2010 earthquake.
“They raised $500 million and built six permanent homes,” Fort said.
Fort, who visited Haiti four years ago with other community activists, says he's renewing his call not to give money to the organization.
“Don't give a red cent to the Red Cross,” Fort told Geary. “As of four months ago, $400 (million) of the $500 million had been spent and we had not gotten a good accounting of it.”
Fort says he applauds the efforts of U.S. Sen. Charles Grassley, R-Iowa.
Grassley said he has more questions for the Red Cross after its response to his inquiry. He said he wants to know who's driving the lack of disclosure.
The Red Cross released a statement to Geary saying, in part, it’s helping millions of Haitians.
"These funds have helped build and operate eight hospitals and clinics, stem a deadly cholera outbreak, provide clean water and sanitation, and move more than 100,000 people out of make-shift tents," the statement said.
Geary looked further at the Red Cross website and it confirmed only six new homes were built because there were land ownership issues.
“Those people essentially got swindled by the Red Cross,” Fort said. “If this was government or private industry, heads would roll.”
Fort says the reason he's not letting up on this issue is because he has thousands of constituents who gave for the Haitian relief efforts.
He says many of them are asking questions, as well.
http://www.wsbtv.com/news/news/local/state-senator-renews-efforts-get-answer-red-cross-/nnDYM/
The relief agency has been under fire from local elected leaders and community activists for building just six houses in earthquake-ravaged Haiti after raising almost $500 million, according to a report by nonprofits NPR and ProPublica.
Channel 2’s Lori Geary talked to a Red Cross spokesman Wednesday who says the agency has helped millions of Haitians.
The agency's critics say the organization has created a man-made disaster.
State Sen. Vincent Fort says he's not satisfied with information the Red Cross is putting out when it comes to the almost $500 million raised for Haitians devastated by the 2010 earthquake.
“They raised $500 million and built six permanent homes,” Fort said.
Fort, who visited Haiti four years ago with other community activists, says he's renewing his call not to give money to the organization.
“Don't give a red cent to the Red Cross,” Fort told Geary. “As of four months ago, $400 (million) of the $500 million had been spent and we had not gotten a good accounting of it.”
Fort says he applauds the efforts of U.S. Sen. Charles Grassley, R-Iowa.
Grassley said he has more questions for the Red Cross after its response to his inquiry. He said he wants to know who's driving the lack of disclosure.
The Red Cross released a statement to Geary saying, in part, it’s helping millions of Haitians.
"These funds have helped build and operate eight hospitals and clinics, stem a deadly cholera outbreak, provide clean water and sanitation, and move more than 100,000 people out of make-shift tents," the statement said.
Geary looked further at the Red Cross website and it confirmed only six new homes were built because there were land ownership issues.
“Those people essentially got swindled by the Red Cross,” Fort said. “If this was government or private industry, heads would roll.”
Fort says the reason he's not letting up on this issue is because he has thousands of constituents who gave for the Haitian relief efforts.
He says many of them are asking questions, as well.
http://www.wsbtv.com/news/news/local/state-senator-renews-efforts-get-answer-red-cross-/nnDYM/
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